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Chapter 31 Political Changes

On November 9, the Israeli Department of Defense submitted the revised combat plan to the US Department of Defense.

In the afternoon of the same day, after asking Lucas for advice, Conrad approved the plan to aid Israel, and a fleet carrying six armored brigades' main combat equipment left the port that night.

Although McCarthy and Jordan have been shirking responsibility, neither of them has denied the reality.

At that time, both expressed their support for Israel's combat plan, that is, tore the border defense line of the Syrian Defense Force from the south through Jordan, and then advance north along the highway from Amman to Damascus. First, encircle and annihilate the Syrian troops gathered in Kunetra and Dela provinces, and then carry out right-wing encirclement and encircle Damascus. If everything goes well, the Israeli army will turn back to remove Jordan after occupying Damascus.

It can be said that the plan is very bold, full of imagination, and is even more flawless in tactical terms.

The problem is that both the Israeli army, McCarthy and Jordan, have ignored a crucial question, that is, how much political impact will this fight have?

You should know that by this time, the main reason why most Arab countries remain neutral was not that they did not have different sympathy for Egypt and Syria, but that the dispute between Egypt and Syria originated from the Fifth Middle East War and was an old contradiction and therefore had nothing to do with other Arab countries.

Obviously, Jordan is not within this category.

Even in the Fifth Middle East War, Jordan remained neutral and made significant contributions to promoting reconciliation between the two sides after the war.

Relatively speaking, Jordan has always had a better image in the Arab world.

If Israel invades Jordan blatantly, there will only be one consequence besides Jordan joining the war, even if the entire Arab world is united in hatred of the enemy.

On November 10, after receiving the Israeli combat plan sent by the Ministry of Defense, Conrad went to find Lucas.

In front of the president, Conrad comprehensively stated the risks and dangers of invading Jordan, hoping that the president can intervene and let Israel not do so.

At that time, Conrad also mentioned that Israel would rather use Lebanon than use Jordan.

In any case, Lebanon is not an Arab country and has always been a hot spot for conflicts in the Middle East. The political risk of Israel's entry into Lebanon is much lower.

Lucas was convinced and immediately called the Israeli Prime Minister'>.

Obviously, the Israeli Prime Minister will not ignore the advice of the US president, so the Israeli General Staff has to make further trade-offs on combat plans.

The problem is that it would not help the Israeli army by using Lebanon.

You should know that the southern region of Lebanon is under the control of Hezbollah, and the big boss of Hezbollah is Syria. In addition, the Israeli army must pass through the Beka Valley to detour behind Syria's strategic defense line, and whether the Israeli army can control the Beka Valley in time is still unknown. If the action to enter the Beka Valley is affected, the Syrian army will take the lead and turn it into a cemetery for the Israeli army. In fact, even if everything goes well and the Israeli army successfully passes the Beka Valley, it will encounter the main force of the Syrian National Defense Forces when it moves eastward, because the Syrian army has enough time to strengthen its defense deployment in Homs and has enough ability to fight an inside war. For the Israeli army, the problem is not that simple, because there is only one highway in the Beka Valley, and logistics support will be a huge problem.

At that time, the Chief of Staff of the Israeli Army and Chief of Staff of the Army, Balam mentioned that entering Lebanon was a desperate attempt to revise the combat plan that had been formulated, and even threatened with resignation.

The Israeli Prime Minister did not accept Baram's request for resignation, but only asked him to delay the attack for several days.

At this time, the United States was in a mess.

After learning that Conrad intervened in the Israeli military's combat operations through Lucas, McCarthy was furious and asked Lucas to resign on the same day. According to him, if the Secretary of State was asked to command the army, what should he, the Secretary of Defense, do?

This time, it was not only General Jordan who supported McCarthy, but also three other chiefs of staff.

The military's attitude is very clear. The State Council's hands are too long to manage things that should not be managed. The president must clarify the responsibilities of the Ministry of National Defense and the State Council.

While dealing with this matter, Lucas' political skills were once again questioned.

On the same day, he told McCarthy that he called the Israeli Prime Minister'>It was his intention, it had nothing to do with Conrad, and the Secretary of State had not exceeded his authority.

Judging from the situation at that time, Lucas wanted to protect Conrad.

This is understandable. Conrad is his most important assistant, and the domestic mobilization work is being carried out in full swing. Without Conrad, it will definitely be difficult.

The problem is that this approach of protecting one party will not only fail to solve the problem, but will also make the problem more serious.

On November 11, McCarthy submitted his resignation again, and Jordan, Arnold, Marshall and Reimer also submitted their resignation to the president at the same time.

In other words, the military puts pressure on the president in the form of a general resignation.

At that time, McCarthy made it clear that if Conrad's overpowering behavior was impossible to stop him, the Department of Defense would not be able to function properly.

In fact, this already implies that Lucas must be chosen only between the Secretary of Defense and the Secretary of State.

Now, Lucas has no choice.

Without Conrad, the mobilization would be affected, but without the five main military leaders, the US military would be paralyzed, at least severely affected.

That night, Lucas summoned Conrad.

On November 12, Conrad officially submitted his resignation, and Lucas immediately approved it, and immediately appointed Schofield, a national diplomatic adviser, as Secretary of State, and Finance Minister Berkeley was responsible for establishing the "War Mobilization Committee" and was fully responsible for war mobilization.

This is the first political change in the United States after the outbreak of the war.

According to later evaluations, the benefits of this change outweigh the disadvantages, mainly to eliminate the contradictions between the State Council and the Ministry of Defense, and to clarify the scope of responsibility for military, diplomacy and economics. But objectively speaking, the initiator of this round of regime change was Lucas.

To put it bluntly, the problem is not with Conrad and McCarthy, but with Lucas.

As president, Lucas needs the most is the ability to control, but he lacks this ability, or fails to exert the president's power. If he is good at dealing with relationships between subordinates and knows how to resolve conflicts in various departments, these problems will not arise at all.

In fact, Conrad is far superior to Schofield and Burke Riley in terms of ability.

For the United States, Conrad's departure from the State Department was the biggest loss in the early stages of the war. It was not the enemy from abroad, but the enemy from home.

After the war, some people even believed that it was Conrad's resignation that made the United States miss the opportunity to defeat China within two years.

According to these people, Conrad's ability will definitely bring the United States on the track of war before June 2053. The successor Schofield and Berkeley, who was responsible for war mobilization, lacked the necessary means, which greatly affected the United States' war mobilization work. Even in the diplomatic field, Schofield did not have Conrad's influence at all, which led to the shake of the United States' alliance relations.

Some even believe that Lucas should accept McCarthy's resignation on December 10th.

In the eyes of these people, without McCarthy, the US military will still be able to play, and Jordan and other generals did not say that they would resign with McCarthy on the same day.

Anyway, Lucas has at least solved the current crisis.

When Conrad resigned, the Israeli cabinet approved Balam's combat plan, which was to attack the Syrian defense line from the south through Jordan.

But at this time, Baram quit.

The reason is simple. There is enough intelligence to show that the 13th Army of the Chinese Army has been deployed in the southern part of Damascus, and its vanguard has strengthened the Syrian defense line between Kunetra and Dela provinces. An Israeli scout who went deep into Suveda Province also discovered the assault cluster of the Chinese Army here, which was later proved that at that time, the only one who was operating in Suveda Province was only a survey and engineering force.

According to the combat records of the Chinese Army, Major General Jiang Bowen's first arrangement was to expand the Syrian military defense line and set up a new defense zone in Suveda Province. In other words, Major General Jiang Bowen has become alert to the deployment of the Israeli army and realizes that the Israeli army is likely to come from Jordan.

The reality before Baram is: Even if you use Jordan, you may not be able to achieve the expected goal.

You should know that the total force of the Thirteenth Army is more than 40,000, which is equivalent to eight Israeli armies, and its armored power is significantly stronger than that of the Israeli army.

If he really wants to fight the 13th Army in southern Syria, Baram is not sure of winning.

Affected by this, on November 13, Baram took the initiative to propose a two-line offensive plan, that is, to launch a feint attack in the direction of Lebanon, and try to divert the 13th Army, and then launch an assault in the south.

The problem is that in this way, it is equivalent to launching an attack in three directions.

You should know that Baram is only preparing to launch an attack in two directions, namely, attacking strongly on the Golan Heights and attacking quickly in the direction of Jordan. According to the plan he had formulated before, the six brigades formed by the United States aid equipment will be used on the Golan Heights to act as a reserve for the offensive, and be responsible for defending the Golan Heights defense line in adverse circumstances. Now to attack in three directions, these six brigades must be put into battle as soon as possible, rather than waiting until the attack is deployed to the Golan Heights. In other words, the offense can only start after the arrival of the United States aid.

Because the fleet will not arrive on November 15, Baram sets the attack to start on the 16th.

This is the best arrangement that Baram can make. Even if the quality of Israeli soldiers is very good, it is impossible to fight without equipment.

The problem is that from a time perspective, this is obviously very unfavorable to the Israeli army.

You should know that even if China no longer adds troops to the Middle East, the 13th Army will be able to use the next few days to fully consolidate the Syrian military defense line.

In fact, Major General Jiang Bowen did more than just defensive deployment at that time.
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