When Mu Haoyang arrived, Huang Hanlin, Du Xiaolei, Teng Yaohui, Zhong Shenglin, Wan Hongtao and others had already arrived.

Wan Hongtao was the Minister of National Defense promoted by Huang Hanlin. He fought very hard with Teng Yaohui and was in trouble for the military personnel appointments. In theory, the power of personnel appointments belongs to the Ministry of National Defense, and the General Staff only has the right to suggest, but when Huang Zhibo was the Chief of General Staff, the "suggestions" of the General Staff were never vetoed. Before 2038, before Wan Hongtao was the Minister of National Defense, Teng Yaohui's "suggestions" were not vetoed. In the past two years, many suggestions of the General Staff were vetoed.

Of course, Wan Hongtao must have received support from Huang Hanlin.

Zhong Shenglin is a senior leader promoted by Li Pingkoo. He is currently the executive vice premier of the State Council, in charge of economics and other affairs. He is both Li Pingkoo's people.

Needless to say, Li Pingko and Huang Hanlin must have different opinions on the issue of the next head of state.

However, the conflict between Li Pingko and Huang Hanlin has not yet been superficial. It is mainly because Li Pingko is still very young and will be in charge of military affairs even after leaving office. Therefore, even if Huang Hanlin becomes the head of state in 2043, he cannot monopolize the power and will not be able to get rid of the influence of Li Pingko in 2048. More importantly, in the eyes of many people, Li Pingko and Huang Hanlin have similar political propositions and are on the same front. Back then, Li Pingko was able to serve as the head of state under the opposition of Yi Yuan Dynasty, which is closely related to Huang Hanlin's support. It can be said that in 2033, it was Li Pingko's political alliance with Huang Hanlin that suppressed Yi Yuan Dynasty.

In fact, in terms of political concepts, Li Pingko and Huang Hanlin do have many similarities.

For example, when dealing with domestic private capital, both of them were very open-minded. It was during the period when Li Pingko served as prime minister that China's private economy developed rapidly. After Huang Hanlin became prime minister, he introduced many encouraging policies, laying the foundation for the growth of private capital.

In other words, the conflict between the two is mainly concentrated on power.

To put it simply, Li Pingkoo was willing to delegate power in 2043 and let Huang Hanlin take charge of the overall situation.

Of course, Mu Haoyang has never been very enthusiastic about political issues and rarely participates in political struggles. Unlike Teng Yaohui, in Mu Haoyang's view, even if Huang Hanlin presides over the overall situation, the basic national defense policy will not change significantly. Because Huang Hanlin has a closer relationship with private capital, Mu Haoyang has reason to believe that he can support military construction more effectively and promote national defense modernization. As for the military personnel appointment power, it does not belong to the General Staff Department and should not be controlled by soldiers, because this will lead to soldiers taking power.

Fortunately, there are three years left before 2043.

After Li Mingyang arrived, the meeting began immediately.

This time, the intelligence provided by the Military Intelligence Agency is very detailed, and the United States will help India achieve military modernization by 2045.

According to Li Mingyang, the United States must be well aware of China's military construction plan.

Although Li Mingyang did not point his finger at the General Staff, that is, he did not say that the General Staff leaked the top secret information, Mu Haoyang knew very well that Li Mingyang must be very annoyed, because military construction planning is the affairs of the General Staff, and if it is leaked, it will definitely be related to the General Staff.

Of course, the Military Intelligence Bureau cannot escape the relationship, because intelligence security is one of its main responsibilities.

In a pragmatic spirit, Li Mingyang did not mention intelligence security, but instead focused on the US military aid to India.

According to the information provided by the intelligence, within the next five years, the United States will provide India with enough weapons and equipment through free gifts, paid aid, sales, and cooperative production, and help India establish a complete command system by appointing military advisers and establishing joint command agencies. In terms of scope, the former belongs to hardware construction, while the latter belongs to more important software construction.

Of course, in terms of impact, hardware construction is more important.

In addition, if the Indian army wants to fully utilize the performance of American equipment, it must learn from the United States, adopt the command system of the US military, and even adopt the tactics of the US military.

In other words, hardware is the foundation.

In this way, the United States' aid to India becomes crucial.

Li Mingyang clearly mentioned that the US Department of Defense has submitted a detailed aid plan to the White House based on the evaluation report of the Foreign Affairs Committee. The core content is to help India become a military power around the Indian Ocean region within the next five years, establish an armed force that is enough to win a full-scale war, and help India establish a complete defense industrial system through aid and other means.

To put it bluntly, it is to help India become the number one military power in the Indian Ocean within five years.

According to the service, aid is divided into three parts.

In the Army, the United States will provide India with weapons and equipment that are sufficient to equip ten armored divisions, twenty independent armored brigades and forty infantry divisions by donating, selling at low prices, or authorized production, with direct assistance, that is, the gift and sale part includes 3,500 main battle tanks, 5,000 armored combat vehicles, 2,500 self-propelled artillery and rocket launchers, 1,200 self-propelled anti-aircraft guns, 180 field air defense missile systems, 8,000 large-caliber mortars, 120,000 anti-tank missiles and rocket launchers, and 1,200,000 individual combat systems. The market value of arms given alone is as high as hundreds of billions of dollars, and arms sold at low prices can also save India hundreds of billions of dollars.

In the Air Force, the United States will provide India with 1,200 fighter jets in the same way and authorize the manufacture of the same number of advanced fighter jets in India. India only needs to pay extremely low production patents and manufacturing costs, and be able to complete the modernization of the air force with the lowest expenditure. In addition, the United States will also provide India with 80 theater anti-missile air defense systems, establish a nationwide strategic air defense network, increase India's local air defense strength to the international level in the early 1930s, and establish national air defense systems in strategically valuable metropolises such as New Delhi and Mumbai, enhance the protection of core cities, and reduce the risk of strategic blows.

On the Navy, the United States will give India 140 large warships, including five aircraft carriers, ten cruisers, 36 destroyers, forty-eight frigates, ten fast combat support ships, and eighteen amphibious warships. It will also help India start construction of the first batch of attack nuclear submarines by 2045 through technical assistance and sell production lines for manufacturing carrier-based fighter jets and carrier-based weapons and ammunition to India. In addition, the United States will also provide India with 460 carrier-based aircraft at a low price, form five carrier-based aviation gangs, and through commissioned training, a private flight training company in the United States will train 2,000 carrier-based fighter pilots for India.

If divided by aid, free aid accounts for about half of the proportion.

From the perspective of strategic influence, the most important thing is to help India establish a complete defense industrial system so that India can carry out production and construction of most weapons and equipment after 2045, fully localized army equipment, the degree of localization of air force equipment exceeds 80%, and the degree of naval equipment reaches 70%. If all these aids are in place, then by 2050, India will have a defense industrial strength that is completely inconsistent with its economic strength, and will become a veritable number one military power in the Indian Ocean region.

When making the report, Li Mingyang also clearly mentioned that if this information is not wrong, it means that the US equipment replacement work will start within the year and be fully launched around 2045, otherwise by 2045, the US military will have no equipment to use.

If this is true, China's equipment replacement plan will be more than five years behind the United States.

There is no doubt that this is a very realistic problem, because it means that in 2045, China would lose its weak technological advantage by using equipment that had been in service for ten or even twenty years to fight against the US military armed with the latest equipment.

For Mu Haoyang, he must consider adjusting his equipment development plan.

In fact, the biggest impact is not on the military level.

From different angles, we naturally have different views.

Looking at the perspective of politicians such as Li Pingko, a new problem can be discovered, that is, the United States' strategic deployment in India is to prepare for the world war, and the United States will gain a more obvious military advantage as early as 2045 and at the latest in 2050. If the intelligence is not wrong, then the United States' crazy expansion of its arms will be difficult to maintain, so the United States will definitely take the initiative to provoke the world war.

By then, will the Chinese army still have an advantage on the battlefield?

The answer is obviously no. Even if there is no big disadvantage, it will be difficult to take the initiative in the early stages of the war. Therefore, even if China can win, it will have to pay a terrible price.

More importantly, this strategic judgment has put China's Indian policy in a dilemma.

If World War III broke out between 2045 and 2050, then after 2045, even if India is already a relatively obvious strategic threat, China has no reason to deal with India. Before 2045, China's military strength was not enough to guarantee that it could defeat India quickly, and it is very likely to fall into a protracted war and lose the opportunity to defeat the United States.

It can be said that China's strategic situation is very passive.

Although Li Mingyang did not point it out, Mu Haoyang had realized that it was the leak of China's military development plan that led to the United States accurately grasped China's strategic development layout and thus formulated a targeted strategic plan, giving China no room for improvement.

Adjusting strategic planning is obviously not a trivial matter, because it may be a big deal.

More importantly, even if you make adjustments, you can only follow the enemy unless you expand your army and prepare for war regardless of everything.

Obviously, this doesn't help in solving the problem.

After Li Mingyang introduced the situation, the atmosphere seemed very depressing and everyone's mood was not very high.
Chapter completed!