.

On June 2, the 41st Army captured Ho Chi Minh City.

On the same day, Ruan Yujie announced the establishment of a provisional government in Hanoi, and immediately issued a formal request for a ceasefire to China and invited the Chinese army to help rectify the domestic order.

At this point, the Sino-Vietnam War ended.

Although the small-scale battle with the former Vietnamese government forces lasted until the end of June and by July, some former Vietnamese government forces were still entrenched in remote mountainous areas, the large-scale war had ended. After a brief trauma, Vietnam ushered in a new era.

Because the war lasted less than a month, the lives of most Vietnamese people were not affected.

When the Chinese army invaded Ho Chi Minh City, more than half of the citizens were still living according to normal rules, and they only had to face the occupying army when receiving daily necessities. By the time the Nguyen Yujie government began to operate, many Vietnamese people had forgotten this short war.

It must be admitted that this is the best result.

Because the bombing scope has not been expanded to national infrastructure and industrial facilities, so by the end of May, Vietnam's social and economic activities have returned to normal.

In the words of some Western journalists, China won the most unlikely war in the shortest time.

As for the reborn Vietnam, it must be China's "iron-core ally".

According to the provisional government management announcement released by Nguyen Yujie, a national election will be held within two months, a national parliament will be formed, and then the parliament will elect the prime minister. Vietnam will implement the parliamentary prime minister system. During the temporary control period, the provisional government will perform its duties and obligations to manage the state.

On June 3, Ruan Yujie took the lead in forming the "Unity and Baath Party".

Subsequently, several more immigrants returned to China formed political parties.

However, in terms of influence, no political party can be compared with Ruan Yujie's "Unity Baath Party".

Five days later, 500,000 tons of grain provided by China arrived in Haiphong.

Because the Provisional Government had no right to decide whether to form an alliance with China, Ruan Yujie only sent an invitation to China at that time, without mentioning the alliance.

In the next two months, the key task of the Vietnam Provisional Government is to organize national elections.

On July 1st, the national election begins.

On July 3, an election supervisory team composed of representatives from China, Laos, Cambodia and Myanmar announced the election results. Nguyen Yujie's "Unity Baath Party" won 82% of the votes and won 348 seats in the 424-person national parliament.

After the election results were announced, the US government immediately claimed that Vietnam's election was seriously fraudulent.

However, the US authorities did not provide direct evidence.

Subsequently, some Western media mentioned in their reports that the turnout rate of Vietnam's national election was only 40%, which did not reach the legal number, so the election results have no legal effect.

The question is, what is the legal quantity?

You can't judge Vietnam's affairs by using the laws of Western countries.

On July 5, Ruan Yujie officially announced the establishment of the central government and became the Prime Minister.

Two days later, the Vietnamese government announced that July 1st was the National Day.

After the establishment of the Vietnamese government, the first thing it did was to sign an alliance treaty with China. This treaty signed on July 8 was ratified by the parliament on July 9, becoming the first legal document approved by the Vietnamese national parliament, which also opened a new chapter in modern Vietnam history.

As an ally of China, the benefits Vietnam has received are obvious.

In the next six months alone, China provided Vietnam with 150 billion yuan in interest-free loans and 300 billion yuan in RMB loans. With the means of state aid, it provided 1.5 million tons of grain, 30 million tons of oil, 55 million tons of cement, and a large amount of living and production materials. It also sent thousands of military engineers to help Vietnam carry out post-war reconstruction.

At the end of that year, China, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia and Myanmar officially formed the "Indochina Peninsula Free Trade Zone".

In early January 2031, Li Pingko visited Thailand and officially invited Thailand to join the Free Trade Zone. Then, when visiting Kuala Lumpur, he invited Malaysia to join the Free Trade Zone.

Half a month later, Malaysia responded and agreed to join the free trade zone.

Subsequently, Thailand also formally responded and became seven member states of the free trade zone.

In early March, at the second summit of the Free Trade Zone, Li Pingko proposed to change the name to "China-Southeast Asia Free Trade Zone".

While playing the economic card, China also made diplomatic efforts.

After three years of negotiations, the Brunei authorities finally made concessions at the end of April 2031. After receiving huge economic aid and joining the free trade zone, they recognized China's sovereignty in the South China Sea and exchanged the occupied islands, reefs and territorial waters.

Of course, the South China Sea issue has not been fundamentally resolved.

After the end of the Sino-Vietnam War, China intensified its diplomatic offensive against Indonesia, exerting pressure on the one hand and opening up generous conditions on the other hand.

But the negotiations were not going well, after all, Indonesia is not a small country.

In any case, the Sino-Vietnam War provided great help to resolve the South China Sea dispute. Through this war, China has expressed its position and demonstrated its strong military power. There are not many choices before Southeast Asian countries, either cooperating with China or being excluded from the economic circle.

Compared with the national economy, the benefits of the South China Sea are nothing.

By 2031, this issue became more prominent.

With the help of China, Vietnam completed post-war reconstruction at a miraculous speed, and through cooperation with China, the domestic economy has developed rapidly. According to the economic development strategy announced by the Vietnamese government in early 2031, Vietnam will achieve industrialization within ten years and modernization within twenty years.

This is definitely a huge temptation for other Southeast Asian countries.

More importantly, regional economies have already surfaced. When China strengthened the construction of the economic circle in Southeast Asia, the United States was doing the same thing in Latin America, Europe in North Africa and the Near East, and Russia in the CIS region, and even Japan and India were developing regional economies.

For Southeast Asian countries, there is only one choice, that is, joining a regional economy centered on China as soon as possible.

Although Indonesia, as the largest country in Southeast Asia, has enough population and enough resources to become the leader of regional economies, does not have a sufficiently developed economy and even industrialization, so it is not qualified to lead regional economies.

According to external predictions, it is only a matter of time to cooperate with China.

As China's control in Southeast Asia strengthens and the United States continues to shrink its strategic defense line, Indonesia is likely to make a choice within three to five years.

Against this backdrop, China has set its sights on the last trouble in Southeast Asia: the Philippines.

Relatively speaking, the Philippines is more difficult to deal with than Indonesia because the Philippines is an ally of the United States and has received the United States' security commitment.

Unless it intends to go to war with the United States, China will not be able to solve the problem by force.

Obviously, when interacting with the Philippines, military threats do not have much effect. They can only start from diplomacy and economy, and can only resolve problems through negotiations.

At least in 2031, negotiations are the only way.

The problem is that there is no progress in the negotiations.

Mu Haoyang has a very direct understanding of this.

In early 2031, as a military representative, he participated in a diplomatic visit to the Philippines, led by Li Pingko, and paid an official visit to the Philippines.

During this period, he met with Philippine military representatives.

In terms of military strength, the Philippines is simply vulnerable. Take the Navy for example. The largest battleship in the Philippines is a destroyer with a displacement of 3,000 tons. It is nominally a missile destroyer, but in fact it is a patrol ship of the US Coast Guard. It is only the Philippine Navy installed two sets of four-unit anti-ship missile launchers.

Of course, this is understandable.

The Philippines is already very backward. This country with a population of 80 million has always been one of the poorest and most turbulent countries in Southeast Asia. In addition, as an ally of the United States, the Philippines does not need to spend more efforts to build military power, and it is not even necessary to maintain an army other than to use in domestic counterinsurgency operations. With the Philippines' national strength, even if a strong army is established, it may not be able to win the war.

The problem is that China's olive branch was not accepted by the Philippines.

The result is conceivable. After the peaceful solution proposed by Li Pingko was rejected, China's relations with the Philippines took a sharp decline.

If soft doesn't work, you can only be hard.

In 2031 alone, there were more than 100 trade disputes between China and the Philippines, most of which were anti-dumping operations carried out by China against the Philippines, involving as much as US$30 billion. The Philippines also fought back and imposed high anti-dumping duties on Chinese companies.

For China, a $30 billion trade dispute is nothing.

But for the Philippines, 30 billion US dollars is no small amount.

You should know that the total trade volume of the Philippines in 2031 was only US$140 billion, and China is the Philippines' largest trading partner, accounting for 60% of its total trade volume, of which 80% were imported. That is to say, the total amount of goods sold to China by the Philippines was US$67 billion, and of which US$30 billion were sanctioned, which was about 45%.

This alone reduced the Philippines' foreign exchange income by billions of dollars.

Obviously, the economy is the noose of the Philippines.

But in the short term, the economy is still not enough to defeat the Philippines.

When China imposed trade sanctions on the Philippines, the United States provided trade compensation to the Philippines. In 2031, the United States provided trade compensation to the Philippines was as high as $14 billion, and the U.S. Congress also approved an aid package of up to $8 billion.

In Mu Haoyang's view, economic war is just a prelude.

The battle between China and the United States in Southeast Asia has not yet ended, and the Philippines issue will not be resolved, and it is very likely that the war will end in the end.

However, this is by no means a simple war.

Mu Haoyang also had to admit that it was impossible to deal with the Philippines by dealing with Vietnam.

After all, the root of the South China Sea issue lies in Sino-US relations. Unless the Sino-US reconciliation, to be precise, the United States recognizes China's status and influence in the Western Pacific region, it is impossible for China to unilaterally completely resolve the South China Sea dispute, and at most it can only compress the US's interests in Southeast Asia.
Chapter completed!