.

It was only at this time that Mu Haoyang realized that Teng Yaohui proposed that he be the commander of the Indian Ocean Fleet, not because he was the best candidate, but to find a high-sounding reason to leave the General Staff and no longer be responsible for naval equipment construction, so as to launch a new equipment construction plan.

During the years when Mu Haoyang was responsible for naval equipment construction, the Chinese Navy's expansion speed was not fast, but it was very stable. It basically built warships of all levels step by step, expanding the scale at a relatively reasonable speed, and trying to ensure maximum resource utilization.

It is not that China cannot build more warships, but that it is the way to pull seedlings to facilitate growth, which will inevitably lead to unpredictable consequences.

During the East China Sea War, Mu Haoyang realized that naval construction must be mainly trained by personnel, and only after the personnel quality is kept up, expanding the fleet will be meaningful. If personnel training cannot keep up, no matter how many warships are built, it will be a decoration and will not survive on the battlefield at all.

The Battle of the Indian Ocean made Mu Haoyang even more believe that personnel are the soul of the navy.

Fundamentally speaking, naval personnel construction does not rely on military academies, or it cannot rely solely on military academies. We must work hard and move forward step by step in order to improve the overall quality of officers and soldiers based on the accumulated experience and let more people realize the importance of the navy.

To put it bluntly, naval construction cannot rely solely on the navy, but on the entire country and the entire nation.

Without a holistic sense of maritime power, a powerful navy cannot be built.

Similar lessons abound in history.

Take Germany as an example. Although it built a fleet that was enough to make Britain scare before World War I, it was still defeated. In the final analysis, it was not that Germany did not have enough industrial strength, nor that Germany's shipbuilding technology was inferior to Britain, but that Germany did not have a basic sense of maritime power and built a navy with the idea of ​​a land-power. As a result, it could only turn the navy into an accessory for realizing land power, and failure was inevitable.

Russia also has the same experience.

It is this understanding that made Mu Haoyang believe that naval construction is a very long thing, and that without the continuous efforts of several generations, it cannot be a climate.

Even if we take ten years as a generation, we have only experienced one generation and half of our lives since the Second Korean War.

According to Mu Haoyang's estimate, it will take at least thirty years for the Chinese Navy to develop and strengthen, and it will take at least fifty years for the US Navy to challenge.

That's true, naval construction must not be eager for quick success and instant benefits, and must look at it for a longer period of time.

From the perspective of equipment construction, this requires small steps to run quickly, build more levels of warships to accumulate experience, master cutting-edge technology, and ensure that new technologies can be used on new warships in a timely manner. After catching up with the competition, consider expanding the construction scale.

This is also the basic rule when Mu Haoyang presided over the construction of naval equipment.

Under his leadership, only two "Yangtze River" class aircraft carriers were built, not four "Beijing" class cruisers were built, and the second batch of "Tianjin" and "Chongqing" were very different from the first batch. The performance was greatly improved, which was basically considered a brand new warship. Other warships were similar, such as the 052d destroyer, and only eight of the 054b ocean frigate, all of which were more than half of the initial plan, greatly reducing the cost of shipbuilding.

Taking advantage of the cost savings, the development speed of new warships has been greatly improved.

For example, the C2-class aircraft carrier started construction five years ahead of schedule, the Type 097 attack nuclear submarine was also put into service three years ahead of schedule, and the progress of the new generation of large surface warships was three to five years ahead of schedule.

At this speed, the Chinese Navy will undergo essential changes by 2035 at the latest.

According to Mu Haoyang's estimate, by around 2045, the size of the Chinese Navy will reach 70% of that of the US Navy, and it has the basic strength to engage in global confrontation with the US military.

The problem is that not everyone agrees with this robust way of development.

The biggest opponent in the navy is Teng Yaohui. It can even be said that Teng Yaohui never thought that he should move forward steadily, but regarded fighting big wars as the main purpose of naval construction.

Although Teng Yaohui's attitude has changed with Mu Haoyang's efforts, such as not insisting on building a medium-sized aircraft carrier and giving up on the first-generation nuclear-powered cruiser with imperfect technology, in terms of basic concepts, Teng Yaohui still believes that the fleet should be rapidly expanded by using mature technologies.

Is it wrong to do this?

We must never simply think that who is right or wrong, because the navy must not only serve the national strategy, but also affect the national strategy to a great extent.

To put it simply, it means the greater the power to do the greater the task.

Ultimately, Mu Haoyang's idea of ​​building the army is based on the overall national strategy, and military construction serves the national strategy, so the army has no dominance. Based on this judgment, the development speed of the Chinese navy is indeed not necessary to be too fast, because within the next ten to twenty years, China will not be able to compete with the United States for global hegemony, and it will not be qualified to challenge the United States until at least 2045. Before that, the main mission of the Chinese navy was to defend the local area and strategic routes, rather than to fight the US military far away from the local area. Obviously, maintaining a capable naval force is more conducive to long-term development and can concentrate its efforts to accomplish major tasks.

Teng Yaohui's views are completely opposite. In his opinion, the Navy should influence national strategy.

To be precise, the navy determines the expansion speed, so as long as there is a strong enough navy, it can accelerate the pace of external expansion and affect the national strategy. Without strength, it will naturally not be able to do big things. Only with strength can one be qualified to challenge powerful opponents and defend national interests within a wider range, rather than huddling at home and competing for some irrelevant small profits. From this, we should naturally expand the scale of the navy as soon as possible and build a fleet with global combat capabilities to gain global influence.

Now, the problem arises.

As long as Mu Haoyang is still in charge of naval equipment construction, Teng Yaohui will not be able to build an ideal large fleet and will not be able to realize his life ideals.

The result is that Teng Yaohui must find a way to get Mu Haoyang to leave the General Staff.

In terms of personal feelings, Mu Haoyang was a little angry because he felt that he had been fooled by Teng Yaohui, or that he had been secretly plotted against by Teng Yaohui.

But from another perspective, Mu Haoyang had to admit that maybe Teng Yaohui was right.

The basic responsibility of the navy is to defend national security and keep enemies outside the country. If you cannot even fulfill this responsibility, there will be no need to exist.

Faced with the threat of reality, Teng Yaohui's proposal is not too much.

This is clearly reflected in the intelligence provided by the Second Department, and external threats force China to build a fleet that surpasses all threats as soon as possible.

The threat now comes not only from Japan, but also from India, but from Japan and India.

According to the information provided by the Second Department, Japan has advanced its shipbuilding plan by five years, and will build three large nuclear-powered aircraft carriers by 2035, and plans to start construction of the first attack nuclear submarine in 2030, and the construction arrangements for other warships will also be advanced accordingly.

Although Japan has no plan to manufacture nuclear weapons yet, the second department has mentioned that as long as Japan breaks through the "three principles of nuclear-freedom" and starts to build nuclear-powered ships, it will only take a while for manufacturing nuclear weapons sooner or later. With the nuclear technology level mastered by Japan and the nuclear raw materials it has reserved, there is enough reason to believe that Japan can create the first nuclear warhead with practical combat capabilities within half a year.

It must be admitted that the evaluation of the second division is quite conservative.

More than 20 years ago, Japanese officials claimed that Japan could create atomic bombs within one month and develop ballistic missiles with a range of more than 1,000 kilometers. Even if there are exaggerated elements, Japan's technical level should not be doubted. The most important thing is that the nuclear raw materials reserved by Japan are enough to make thousands of nuclear warheads. What restricts Japan's nuclear weapons are not technology, but politics.

Even without considering the nuclear issue, the threat of Japan's vigorous expansion of its military force is still very fatal.

If the information provided by the Second Department is correct, at the latest by 2037, Japan will have four large aircraft carriers, the total tonnage of warships exceeds one million tons, nearly 2,000 combat aircraft of various types, and may even obtain bombers with a range of more than 3,000 kilometers. Although the expansion of Japanese ground forces is not fast, the navy and the air force are determined, and Japan is catching up in this regard.

Compared with Japan, India's military expansion speed is slightly slower, but it is more threatening.

According to the intelligence provided by the Ministry of the Second Department, India will purchase two large aircraft carriers from Japan, which are likely to include the active Akagi. If so, the Indian Navy will recover its vitality around 2035, gain the basic strength to challenge the Chinese navy and regain the Indian Ocean's sea control power. In addition, India also plans to purchase more new fighter jets, and even prepare to jointly develop the fifth-generation fighter jets with Japan.

Compared with Japan, India's biggest threat comes from nuclear weapons.

Although the Ministry of the Second Department has confirmed that before the end of the war, India has lost all nuclear warheads, but it has not lost its ability to develop nuclear weapons. Moreover, India has the experience in developing nuclear weapons. As long as the infrastructure is restored, India has the ability to create nuclear warheads within two to three years.

If you only face one enemy, the problem is not yet.

The fatal thing is that there are enough signs that the closure of the alliance between India and Japan has not only not broken down, but has become closer. In addition, with the United States intervening, it is likely to become a catalyst for the comprehensive alliance between India and Japan, and will determine the future of India and Japan as the leader.

To put it bluntly, if war breaks out again, the United States will play a decisive role.

Even if the United States does not intervene in war, it will become the source of war and will choose to launch war when it is most beneficial to the United States.
Chapter completed!