Chapter 196 to talk about preparations for war
.At the negotiating table, Li Pingko was not so polite.
During the first meeting, Li Pingko clearly stated that China is not a participant in the negotiations, but a matchmaker, that is, if the coalition forces led by the United States want to achieve a ceasefire, they should negotiate with North Korea and the Volunteer Army. As a peace-loving country, China is willing to assist both sides in negotiations.
This statement was much better than Strauss expected.
But the reason is not indefinitely.
China did not formally send troops to North Korea, but instead sent troops to the war in the name of the volunteer army, in order to avoid direct conflict with the United States, which would trigger head-on confrontation among major powers and cause unpredictable consequences. In this case, China has no reason to negotiate with the United States.
After Li Pingko made his position, the high-level meeting between the two sides became simple.
After Strauss made a request, Li Pingko immediately agreed to inform North Korea and the volunteers and do his best to assist the warring parties in achieving ceasefire negotiations as soon as possible.
However, there are still differences between the two sides on a key issue.
At that time, Li Pingko clearly stated that in order to negotiate, a ceasefire must be achieved first, that is, a ceasefire negotiation is conducted on the basis of a long ceasefire, rather than just a ceasefire negotiation. Only from a procedural point of view, before a ceasefire negotiation, the issue of ceasefire must be negotiated and negotiated.
Strauss' attitude was just the opposite, believing that a ceasefire has no practical significance before a ceasefire agreement is reached. As long as a ceasefire agreement is reached, a ceasefire is a natural thing, and there is no need to emphasize whether to ceasefire first or negotiate first, and there is no need to ceasefire for negotiation.
This disagreement almost caused the two sides to collapse again.
Fortunately, in the final stage, Strauss made a concession and promised to hold a temporary ceasefire during the negotiations if North Korea and the Volunteer Army agreed to negotiate.
This result is not good or bad.
Li Pingko was not in a hurry to return to Beijing. He also wanted to represent China in the United Nations General Assembly, calling on other peace-loving countries and people to come forward to end this meaningless war.
The news soon came back, and Huang Zhibo began to prepare for the negotiations.
On September 28, the Volunteer Army and the People's Army held their first informal meeting with the US and South Korean military representatives in Quancheng.
The meeting did not involve a ceasefire issue, and only agreed on the ceasefire time period and negotiation location.
The problem of the ceasefire period is not big. Both sides agreed to hold a temporary ceasefire during the negotiations. However, on the issue of the negotiation location, the differences between the two sides were very big. The United States and South Korea insisted on negotiating on the front line, such as in Quancheng, while the Volunteer Army and the People's Army believed that negotiations should be held on the 38th line, and Panmunjom was the ideal choice.
After a brief consultation, the Volunteer Army and the People's Army made concessions.
It is not that concessions at this time are equal to weakness, but that security issues are taken into account. Everyone knows that this negotiation cannot fundamentally solve the problem. The war may rekindle at any time, so negotiations on the front are relatively convenient and safer. However, the Volunteer Army and the People's Army also clearly stated that if the negotiations break down, the next negotiation must be carried out on the front, that is, wherever the battle is fought, we will talk.
After reaching this agreement, both sides agreed to hold the first formal negotiations three days later, on October 1.
According to the results of previous negotiations, the two sides temporarily ceased fire from 0:00 a.m. on October 1st.
After the news spread, Quancheng immediately became the focus of attention.
Many people are not optimistic about this negotiation and believe that the possibility of reaching a ceasefire agreement between the two sides of the war is very low, and the reasons can be summarized into three points. First, the battlefield situation is not balanced, and the volunteers failed to recover the entire territory of North Korea, so they did not achieve the fundamental purpose of entering North Korea, and it is difficult to compromise with the coalition forces at this time. Second, neither the volunteers nor the coalition forces reached the limit, and both sides have the ability to change the situation and achieve greater victory. Third, the bottom lines of the two sides are too far apart, and the coalition forces cannot take the initiative to retreat to the 38th parallel, and the volunteers cannot stop moving forward.
Many people also believe that even if the hope of a ceasefire is not high, it can greatly promote the end of the conflict through negotiations between the two sides and restore regional peace.
Anyway, the warring sides finally moved a little closer to the negotiating table.
Within the Volunteer Army, not many people are optimistic about this negotiation, and it can even be said that there is no one.
While arranging negotiations, Huang Zhibo started preparing for the second battle. On September 29, he set out to the front line to inspect the situation of the combat troops and to express condolences to the front line commanders and fighters. On that day, Lu Fenglie dispatched a group of troops from the Jinan Military Region, Chengdu Military Region and Lanzhou Military Region, namely the 54th Army, the 13th Army and the 47th Army, and were incorporated into the Volunteer Army combat sequence. According to Lu Fenglie's order, the three group of troops would arrive on October 3, October 5th and October 6th, and obey Huang Zhibo's command.
Compared with ground forces, air force is more critical.
By the end of the first battle, the Volunteer Air Force was almost wiped out. Only less than fifty of the nearly 800 advanced fighter jets dispatched in the first two batches, half of which were carrier-based fighters of the Navy Aviation, and less than 30 combat aircraft could actually participate in the battle.
Actual combat has proved that without air supremacy, ground wars are difficult to fight.
In the first battle, the volunteer ground troops performed very well and fought many beautiful battles, but as long as it was daytime, it was difficult to launch an attack and even organize effective defense. The key is that the volunteer army did not have air supremacy, and it was difficult to operate under the coalition's air strikes.
According to the Volunteer Army's assessment, if there is air supremacy, even if there is restricted air supremacy, the number of casualties in ground troops can be reduced by 40%.
To fight the second battle well, we must strive to regain air supremacy.
Unfortunately, the volunteers cannot obtain enough advanced fighter jets.
Before the war began, the total equipment of the third-generation fighter jets represented by j10, j11, 27sk, 30, and fb among the Chinese Air Force and Navy aviation was about 1,000, of which 800 have been allocated to the volunteer army, and the remaining 200 are the necessary number to ensure national air defense.
In other words, the volunteer army can only rely on domestic aircraft manufacturing companies.
In two months, how many fighter jets can Chengfei, Shenfei and Xifei produce?
Take Chengfei's j10 as an example. Even if the two production lines are running at full speed, the monthly output will not exceed 200. Before the war, Chengfei had only one production line of j10 and maintained in a basic operating state for a long time, that is, the minimum production capacity achieved under the conditions of ensuring basic production line workers is only about five. Even if overtime work, the monthly output will reach up to ten. To increase the production line capacity, you must first recruit more workers and then provide basic training for workers. As for building a second fighter production line, it will take time and it will definitely not be possible to achieve the maximum production capacity within two months. Under war mobilization, it will take about half a year or even a year to achieve it. However, China does not mobilize war, and it is impossible to mobilize war. It is naturally more difficult to increase military production capacity.
This is true for j10, and the situation of other advanced fighters is similar.
In fact, even if the production capacity increases, it will be difficult for these third-generation fighters to regain air supremacy.
Without considering the use of electromagnetic weapons, the main problem of the Volunteer Army is that there is no right to control information and there is no air-controlling fighter that is sufficient to fight against the F22a. If the third-generation fighter is used, it can only win by number, and the size of the Volunteer Air Force will definitely not exceed that of the coalition forces.
The only thing that can solve the problem is j20, which is still testing the flight.
Unfortunately, this kind of fighter jet that is highly anticipated will not be completed until 2015 at the earliest, and mass production will happen a few years later.
According to the arrangement of the General Staff, by October 6, when the ground troops are replenished, the Volunteer Army will be able to obtain up to 120 fighter jets, of which 80 are j10 and j11b. Therefore, by then, the number of air-controlling fighters of the Volunteer Army will be about 100.
This number is definitely not enough to challenge the coalition's air supremacy.
In order to obtain more fighter jets, Huang Zhibo specially arranged his mother Qi Tie to return to Beijing, contact the major military regions, and try every means to second fighter jets from other troops.
The mother Qi Tie tried her best, but the results were not very effective.
In order to support the Volunteer Army, other troops have already pushed their organization to the limit. Some aviation regiments only have a few fighter jets to meet the situation, and some troops have even temporarily revoked their organization and arranged pilots to trainers to fly trainers. Even if the commanders of other troops give Huang Zhi a face, they can borrow up to 10 or 20 fighter jets.
Obviously, the Volunteer Army also needs time to organize the troops required for the second battle.
In this case, negotiations are crucial.
Huang Zhibo did not participate in the negotiations personally, but handed over the specific work to Yang Yufang. In order to meet the situation, the People's Army sent a major general to serve as the highest representative of the negotiating team.
This is also understandable that the Volunteer Army is the "guest" and the People's Army is the "master". In terms of the basic national interests of North Korea, the People's Army should naturally lead the way. The Volunteer Army only assists the People's Army in combat, that is, it is just assists the People's Army in negotiations. There is no need to steal the limelight.
Importantly, this is just the initial negotiation.
If there is really hope of ending the war, the Volunteer Army should play the lead role, and at least one general should be sent to serve as the highest representative of the negotiating team.
Huang Zhibo did not allow Qi Kaiwei to participate in the negotiations because he had to be responsible for formulating the combat plan for the second battle.
In fact, the volunteer army representatives who participated in the negotiations at that time were almost all staff officers with little trouble, including Major Mu Haoyang.
As a technical representative, Lu Wen also participated in the negotiations.
In the early morning of the first day of the month, the negotiating delegation of the Volunteer Army and the People's Army left Xianzhou and headed for Quancheng.
Because Quancheng is under the actual control of the coalition forces, the negotiation venue is prepared by the coalition forces, and the coalition negotiators arrived on the night of September 30th.
At 7:30, the two sides held their first plenary meeting to discuss the content of the negotiation.
As Lu Wen expected, the coalition forces clearly proposed to restrict the use of electromagnetic weapons during war and listed reasons. As the content of the negotiation, the volunteers could not refuse the coalition's request, but there was no reason to fully accept the coalition's opinions, that is, they would no longer use electromagnetic weapons.
Chapter completed!