Font
Large
Medium
Small
Night
Prev Index    Favorite Next

Chapter 37 Quarrel

For the revolutionaries in exile in Japan, 1914 was an extremely difficult year. Their revolutionary cause was slumped, and they were also facing a fight between emotions and reason - how to face the conflict between China and Japan in Shandong?

According to the general logic, we must oppose anything that the enemy supports. The revolutionary party that regards the imperial government as the revolutionary enemy should not only agree with Japan's strategy toward China, but also hope that this strategy toward China can defeat the Chinese government. It would be better if it could cause the overall collapse of this "imperial government".

However, according to the logic that every revolutionary is a patriot, there are different interpretations of this issue. Except for the militarists in Japan, almost no country denies that Japan's implementation of the Shandong strategy was an invasion of China, a trampling on the neutral law, and a powerful and hegemonic act that needs to be stopped. From the standpoint of a Chinese, opposing foreign aggression - no matter what excuse it is, it should be its instinctive and simple emotion. Because every time Japan gains a share of its invasion rights and interests, every little resistance of China loses is a loss of national vitality. At this time, the difference in political positions has to retreat to the next.

Under the fight between these two thoughts, revolutionary beliefs fell into an unprecedented crisis. It is true that during the Russo-Japanese War, the Revolutionary Party could still stand on the side of Japan and sing the victory of "yellow people vs. white people", but when Japan's gun pointed at its motherland, can you still sing the war of "advanced countries vs. reactionary tyranny"?

Therefore, how to evaluate this war has become an unavoidable test before the leaders of the revolutionary party. It can be imagined how great the storm this test caused within the revolutionary party. Although the Restoration Association, led by Zhang Taiyan and Tao Chengzhang, has remained in the framework of the Tongmenghui, it has strictly drawn a line with the mainstream schools of the Tongmenghui in its political stance. Together, Zhang Taiyan, who fled far away from the Nanyang, wrote an article criticizing the Japanese government's policy toward China, calling for "opposition and boycott".

"In the past 20 years, no revolutionary has hated corruption as deeply as we do >: government, no revolutionary is working hard to destroy the imperial government like us... But in a crisis that concerns the life and death of the country and nation, no matter how opposed we have to the Chinese people in power, we cannot stand on the standpoint of the invaders... We are first of all Chinese and secondly revolutionaries!" - "Public Statement of the Restoration Conference on the Sino-Japanese Shandong Conflict"

A heavy statement won a lot of applause for the Restoration Association. In the subsequent fundraising activities they carried out to help China's resistance, local overseas Chinese communities in Nanyang actively donated money and materials. The Restoration Association not only restored its vitality but also greatly enhanced its awareness among overseas Chinese in Nanyang.

As soon as the statement of the Restoration Association was announced, the headquarters of the Tongmenghui, whose headquarters was located in Japan, fell into panic. Although Sun Yat-sen and Hu Hanmin wrote articles one after another criticized Zhang Taiyan for "making accomplices" and "populism", they were unable to propose a policy that was confrontational and widely recognized.

Although the Imperial Daily, which has always been responsible for domestic public opinion, has been forced to stop publication in Japan due to wartime news control, the Chinese in Japan have not cut off the source of information - the Japanese government can block the newspapers in China's establishment. However, it cannot ban the newspapers issued by other Western powers in Japan. Although there are more or less distortions and concealment between the various newspapers, no country dares to admit that Japan's implementation of Shandong strategy is just and in line with the Public Law of the All Nations. Therefore, after the dispute between the headquarters of the Tongmenghui and the Restoration Society escalated, the leaders of the Revolutionary Party were embarrassed to find that they did not receive much sympathy and support.

Many passionate young people studying in Japan openly denied and flatly rejected the Tongmenghui statement. They agreed with the Liberation Association's proposal, resolutely temporarily interrupted their studies and returned to their motherland to serve. As for Chinese students studying in Japanese non-commissioned officer schools, they flipped their numbers back to China one day - it was an unprecedented secret action.

In China, Wang Jingwei and Liang Qichao wrote articles in newspapers, requiring the revolutionary party to put political discrimination aside first, "the most urgent task is to oppose aggression and defend state power."

This kind of quarrel, contradiction, wavering, and hesitation continues all the way...

After the Empire Daily announced the victory of Shandong battlefield, patriots who have been closely following the progress of the situation were in full swing. Not only because China can resist resolutely without fear of violence, but also because this resistance is fruitful.

Although many people doubt the authenticity of the information published in the newspaper, they will be able to defeat the Chinese army.

The powerful Japanese army expressed doubts, but after watching the news about newspapers of the great powers, they all cheered, cheered for the strengthening of national strength and cheered for China's ability to avoid foreign bullying.

Where is the revolutionary road going?

Although many people still adhere to the simple revolutionary ideals and still adhere to the concept that republic is superior to imperial system and revolution is superior to reform, their beliefs and persistence are shaken in the face of facts. What is more important is that many people were originally intoxicated by Japan's sympathy and support for the Chinese revolution, but now it seems that this support is more like a malicious instigation.

This is the result of greater ideological confusion. If the mainstream school of the Tongmenghui could barely reach an agreement on how to express its views in the original face of the Restoration Association, then the impact of the phased victory of the Shandong war will not be able to conceal the division and opposition.

The Hunan faction led by Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren openly praised China's achievements and progress in the war. Although the country's political system is still corrupt and backward, it is undeniable that it has made great progress in many aspects; while the two Guangdong factions led by Sun Yat-sen, Hu Hanmin and others obviously have different opinions.

It was at such a fierce debate that Toushanman, who adhered to the will of Yamamoto's cabinet, not only did he hypocritically express his appreciation and support to the revolutionary party, but also drew a big cake with Qiongzhou as the revolutionary base. The old fox may be familiar with the discord and weaknesses within the revolutionary party. Before leaving, he patted Sun Yat-sen on the shoulder: "Mr. Zhongshan, to complete the great cause of revolution, you must overcome all kinds of difficulties and tests, and sometimes you even have to make a great determination. I believe that your vision and mind will not be so narrow, and will not be limited to the current corner.

After the head of the mountain was full, the leaders of the revolutionary party quickly woke up from the shocking news and began a new round of quarrels.

"Everyone, Mr. Toyama Manta's proposal just now is the greatest support and help for the revolutionary cause. Over the years, in order to obtain a base for revolutionary activities, we have carried out countless uprisings and riots in China, and the result was all ended in failure. If we can use Qiongzhou as the base and establish a reliable rear and base, the possibility of the revolutionary cause success will undoubtedly increase greatly." Sun Yat-sen glanced at the venue, "I know everyone has a reservation about this proposal, and I also realize that the reason why the Japanese government made such a suggestion through the Black Dragon Association was another intention, but for us, this is a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity and we must not miss it."

"I agree with Mr. Zhongshan's meaning. Although the Qing government temporarily won a certain victory on the battlefield, this kind of victory is very unreliable. As long as Japan continues to invest its strength, it will be difficult for China's weak national defense to bear it. At that time, the only way is to cede land and make peace. If we do not actively prepare for the corresponding uprising forces and revolutionary bases now, we will be unable to cope with the major domestic changes."

Huang Xing stood up, his face flushed, but he didn't say a word, but from the momentum, it was full of anger.

"Keqiang, there is no need to be so. We are revolutionary comrades. If you have something to say, just say it." Sun Yat-sen knew his old partner very well.

"Everyone, I would like to ask, what is the purpose of our revolution?" Huang Xing asked at the beginning.

"That's all about it, of course, it's 'expelling the Tartars and restoring China'!"

"Can you introduce Japan in order to 'expel the Tartars'?" Huang Xing was angry, "Rejecting tigers from the front door and wolf from the back door. What is the significance of such a revolution?"

"Keqiang, you are so serious. Japan is just helping us, and there is no intention to replace it."

"Is it? You can't see it, can't these 400 million people?" Huang Xing responded without hesitation, "Not to mention the good or bad of the Qing government, Japan's implementation of Shandong policy alone can show their ambitions. Can we help with the invaders for the purpose of the revolution? Do we forget the national hatred and family hatred for our own selfish selfishness?"

"Keqiang!" Sun Yat-sen slapped the table, "We just rely on the power of Japan, and we have no intention of relying on him forever, nor do we want to lead a wolf into the house, and replace it with Japan..."
Chapter completed!
Prev Index    Favorite Next