For the implementation and representation of constitutional government, the Party should play the role of checks and balances, but as a member of the state institution, the power of checks and balances and supervision needs to be fully guaranteed to play its active role. If you use empty words to silence and only provide a statement on paper that "the Party has the power of supervision" without providing the necessary material conditions and institutional basis for the exercise of such supervision, then this power is destined to be just a self-deception and destined to become a rubber stamp with no practical use.

As a time traveler, Lin Guangyu has seen too many empty words of "the people have the highest supervision power" and the illusion of "intra-party supervision", and will never be satisfied with the checks and balances that are merely implemented in the imperial edict.

In the initial stage of constitutional construction, before the national quality was far from meeting the requirements of democratic constitutionalism, he had no intention of trying or promoting mass democracy. However, as the carrier of "elite democracy", the deliberation bureau, as an agency that restricts each province's governors and governors, and as a typical representative of preparing for constitutionalism, did not provide it with actual power and space for activities, which was obviously contrary to the purpose of constitutionalism.

No one is born a saint, and Lin Guangyu is the same. As a commoner, he naturally longs for democracy and wants to have more power, the better, the greater the better, and the more "great democracy", the more satisfying it is. But after traveling through time to become an emperor, no matter what his original intention is, he is the representative of the autocratic imperial power. He can only promote politics in a way that conforms to his own logic. Standing on this standpoint, oppose democracy, advocate dictatorship, and wishing that all power will be concentrated in the hands of the emperor. This is the matter that Cixi never forgets to make a fake constitution because she is unwilling to give up this supreme power until her death.

But Lin Guangyu has 100 insights and experiences out of thin air. He knows that continuing to promote autocratic imperial power is not only contrary to the trend of the times, but also contrary to the purpose of maximizing political interests. Simply centralizing power means increasingly isolated from other political groups. It also weakens its own ruling foundation. In this sense, strengthening autocracy is not an effective means to consolidate the monarchy. On the contrary, it is a kind of suicide. The faster the centralization, the more urgent the pace of suicide. In history, Zaifeng's attempt to centralize the power of his relatives and nobles was to put a noose around his neck.

Only by resigning part of the power, allowing the monarchy and civil rights to achieve a balance under the constitutional system, and allowing the elite to enrich their power. To maximize the unity of the forces that can be united, can such a ruling foundation be safe and positive. Power decomposition and local checks and balances have been reduced on the surface, but in fact, it has won more people who support the balance between monarchy and civil rights, and has also consolidated the monarchy.

Therefore, the actions that help the congress get actual power are essentially to fundamentally safeguard and consolidate the monarchy. How can he not be anxious? But if he is urgent, he still needs to have an idea to take action.

Later experience tells Lin Guangyu that although China has been clamoring for judicial independence on the surface, as long as the judicial organs need finance, the two rights of people will not be independent for a day, and the true independence of the judiciary is empty talk. Similarly, if the debate bureau wants to be truly independent, it is necessary to have finance and employ people with great power.

The operating expenses are listed in the Articles of Association. The original provisions of: "The Speaker, Deputy Speaker and Permanent Members' Public Fees and the Salary of the Secretary shall be determined by the Governor and the Governor. The local financial expenses shall be made." On the surface, the Governor and the Governor are natural for the provincial deputies to solve the funding problems, but in fact, it may make them use the generous or insignificant public expenses and salary to win over or threaten the important members of the deputies, and it is more likely that they can use the financial issues to put pressure on the normal operation of the deputies.

As the leading figures among the members of the parliament, the secretary and the secretary are actually the core of the board of deputies, while the secretary-general, the secretary and other staff are actually full-time staff of the office of the board of deputies. If the governor controls these two parts of the person, he may substantially control the entire board of deputies, which may damage the independence of the board of deputies and hinder the mutual supervision between the administrative authorities and the board of deputies - although this kind of supervision is unequal.

In order to solve this problem, Lin Guangyu issued a special edict to exempt the levy of the Boxer injustice in Shaanxi and Gansu from the next year, and the remaining provinces were reduced by 10%. Such expenses were "collected first and then returned" and the funds were used as funds for the activities of the deliberation bureau. It was obvious that the emperor's grace was great, but in fact it was a waste of money from the cauldron, which eliminated the possibility of local governors and governors controlling the deliberation bureau with their financial power and ensured the independence of the deliberation bureau.

Personnel appointment, the "Article" originally stipulated: "The Bureau of Justice has an office, with one secretary and four secretary, and the Speaker is elected by the Governor and the Governor, and the accountants and all common affairs in the Governor and the Governor are appointed." The Speaker can only nominate, but the power of appoints is in the Governor, which facilitates him to control the internal daily activities and work of the Governor by appointing personnel. In the event of dispute, the Bureau of Justice is difficult to issue a documentary and telegram that is not conducive to the Governor and the Governor is not easy to conduct an investigation that is unfavorable to the Governor.

Lin Guangyu took great pains to change this article to "All office staff are discussed

, with the majority of members of the Council, the decision shall be submitted to the governor for filing." In this way, the public office obeys the orders of all members of the Council and truly serve as the internal service agency of the Council rather than the governor to lay a ground time bomb. Since the governor cannot interfere in the election of the Council, the governor cannot interfere in the office of the Council, and the governor as an independent whole has organizational guarantees.

After the two items of finance and employment are guaranteed, the 11 rights listed in the "Article of Association" are: + the foundation of self-esteem.

1. Decide on the situation of the province to be prosperous and reform;

2. Decide on budget events for entering and leaving the province in the year;

3. Decide on the final accounts of entry and exit in this province;

4. Decide on tax laws and public debt incidents in this province;

5. If the increase in the responsibility of the province and the decrease in the number of events does not have to pass the debate bureau;

6. Decide on the addition, deletion and amendment of the rules of the individual articles of association in this province;

7. Decide on the abolition of the rights of the province;

8. Election of members of the Rectoral House;

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9. Apply for the consultation of the Supervisory Yuan;

10. Repeat the incident of the governor’s consultation;

Eleventh, the incident of accepting written and requesting suggestions from the people of this province.

After a long election and waiting, on October 1, the first year of the Reform Movement (November 1909), the meeting period is forty days, from October 1 to November 10, if there are many agendas and must be continued, the meeting period can be extended up to ten days. The opposite of the annual meeting is the temporary meeting, which is held in an important event, and may be convened by the request of the governor, the joint request of the chief and deputy speaker and the permanent members, or by the request of more than one-third of the members of the parliament, and the meeting period is 20 days.

Regarding the convening of the meetings of various provincial deliberation bureaus, the court sent congratulatory messages to the provincial deliberation bureaus in the name of the emperor. The local branches of the Imperial Daily distributed in various provinces not only published the list of members and agendas in the local publication pages, but also published a commentary article written by Liang Qichao on the front page.

The comment pointed out: "The convening of the meeting of the Party Committee has three meanings and far-reaching influence. First, as a local public opinion organ, it is a representative of the practice of "all-out opportunities depend on the public opinion"; second, it is one of the most important achievements of constitutionalism, which can be regarded as a milestone in preparation for constitutionalism; third, it is the beginning of China's progress and shows that the empire's rejuvenation is expected."

Even the great powers who were skeptical about China's imitation of constitutionalism had to recognize the enthusiasm of the opening of the deliberation bureau. Mo Lixun, a reporter from the Tax newspaper, pointed out: "Although China does not have a constitutional conference tradition similar to that of Great Britain, judging from the situation where the Shunzhi Deliberation Bureau held a meeting, it should be said that it was still very successful."

"Yu Linxi Daily" pointed out: "Since recent, the gentlemen with people in Shanghai have attracted much attention from the annual meeting of the Party Committee, believing that this is a good start for China to reform the past and reform. Although there are rumors that some provinces have made trouble in the election of parliamentarians, they generally believe that it is very satisfactory to be able to do this for the first time, and they can be gradually improved in the future and cannot be too demanding. Many gentlemen who have visited Japan told reporters that they believe that as long as they work in this direction, China can reach the current level of Japan with another 10 - and Japan has made nearly 30% of such progress.

Of course, as a new thing, although the Council has the prototype and characteristics of a local council, it is not a local council in essence. The most distinctive feature is that the governor and governor do not have to be responsible to the Council, but the Council is instead responsible to the governor. The "Constitution" clearly stipulates: "If the governor and governor think that the matters agreed by the Council are not the case, the reasons should be explained and the reasons should be ordered to be reviewed." "If the Council has any questions about the administrative events and corresponding resolutions in the province, the governor and governor must ask the governor to answer, but there is no right to change it." "If officials and gentry in this province accept bribes and illegal circumstances, the Council must refer to the case for investigation and handling of the governor and governor after clarifying the provisions."

At the same time, it is stipulated that the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China use "present" to the governor's documents, including "present", "petition", "report" and other words, and the governor uses "order" to the committee, including "approval", "approval", "order", etc. The difference in meaning and tone reminds the world that the committee is still carrying out its work under the leadership of the governor, and all regions are still in charge of administrative leadership.

Similar clauses were reserved by Lin Guangyu on purpose in the "Regulations" to ensure that local governors maintain formal respect and control and maintain their face, so as not to cause strong backlash from them.
Chapter completed!