"... After the Kinta incident, some people may think it was a coincidence, but since 1919, the Kinta Russian invaded Manchuria, invaded our friendly countries Germany, Poland, annexed the Baltic Kingdoms, transformed Japan, colonized Persia, and disrupted India, all of which made us realize that the Kinta incident occurred as a sign of the full invasion of the Kinta Russian. Fortunately, the northwest side handled it in time and put out the incident before the Kinta invasion army invaded our territory. However, the collapse of the Trotsky bandits and puppet troops in Kinta was just a delay in the plan of aggression, and would never let the ambitious Trotsky give up the delusion of ruling the world.

Therefore, we can assert that the Sino-Soviet war is imminent, and the fate of the country and nation will be at an inevitable last moment! At this moment, all any Chinese can do is to prepare for sacrifice and prepare for the war of resistance! After the war begins, there is no room for compromise with Chi and Russia. Any concessions to enemy enemies like Chi and Russia will be the beginning of the disaster of the Chinese nation! Our 500 million people can only fight to the death and seek our final victory!

Before the war begins, what we should do is not to strive for peace. Although the enemy is strong and we are weak, supporting peace is our national policy, the actions of the Red and Russians in the past few years have made the whole world realize that as neighbors such a country that is blindly warlike but does not cherish peace at all, we must always wait for it, and we cannot have any illusions about peace, nor do we have any kindness towards the bandits and traitors who are willing to be Red and Russian lackeys in the country.

Regarding the Jinta Incident and the Red Russian imperialism, our Kuomintang has four obvious positions: (1) We should immediately cut off all exchanges with Red Russia to avoid the harm of the Red Russia exporting the revolution; (2) Northwest, Northeast, Far East, Mongolia and other places. We must strengthen our vigilance and beware of the invasion that Red Russia may launch at any time; (3) The backbone of the entrusted bandits or Red Russian agents captured in the Jinta Incident, such as Ren Fucheng, Braun, etc., cannot be released for any reason; (4) The lessons of the Jinta Incident should be learned, the policies to improve the lives of farmers should be implemented, and the soil for Red Russia to export revolution and incite class struggle..." December 20, 1924, "Sheng"

"...We must be wary of the March Berlin incident and the Polish incident in my country. The ambitions of Red and Russians in the northeast, northwest and Mongolia have never been extinguished. They are secretly planning colonialist aggression under the signs of GCism and internationalism. And now there are still people in our country who are willing to act as their lackeys! For this type of person, it is difficult to quell the public's anger without killing!" On December 21, 1924, "Ta Kung Pao"

"...We cannot believe in Red Russia. We cannot believe in GC International. Since 1919, no, since the mid-17th century, Russia has regarded me as China. We treat it with sincerity, but they treat me with despicableness, betrayal, swallow and eat it. Otherwise, we can seize our territory with all means. For such a bad neighbor, we can only treat it with military force and we must never take any luck!" "Minbao"

The "people-friendly policy" to establish a pension security system has not yet been announced in the newspaper. However, the ended Jinta incident suddenly began to ferment. Shanghai's "Shenbao" first published an article signed by the Kuomintang Vice Chairman Jiang JShi. It pointed out that the Jinta incident was the beginning of the Soviet policy of invading China. The whole country was shocked. Newspapers made comments, and students and young people from major cities flocked to the streets and rushed to the doors of Soviet institutions stationed in China to protest.

In legislation, the members of the Senate and Political House also proposed proposals, requiring the government to immediately announce the severance of diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union and Poland and expel all institutions and personnel of the two countries in China. They also required the government to clearly announce the severe punishment of the Chinese People's Revolutionary Party and GC International personnel captured in the Kinta incident, and they cannot be released in any case. The National Government also formally announced on the last day of public opinion in 1924, and formally announced the severance of diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union and Poland, but it never stated that it would severely punish the captured People's Revolutionary Party and GC International personnel; Shao Piaoping, Minister of Propaganda of the National Government, also publicly announced at a press conference that he hoped that the press would remain calm. At present, the government is negotiating with the Red and Russian authorities through the British side, preparing to exchange the People's Revolutionary Party members and GC International personnel in their hands for the captured people in the Persian war.

However, the press and the people did not agree with the government's response. Instead, they regarded the government's negotiations with the Soviet Union as weak, and anti-Soviet sentiment became even higher. Subsequently, the newspaper "The Republic of China Times" of the Progressive Party published an opinion article. In this article, the author implied that the biggest reason why the National Government was slightly weak on the Soviet issue was that there were quite a lot of pro-Soviet factions within the China G, and the chairman of the Chinese People's Revolutionary Party served as the auxiliary and the member of the early Party members, and once absent from the Party Congress, he was elected as a member of the Central Committee of the People's Revolutionary Party! Other backbone elements of the People's Revolutionary Party were also mostly the original Chinese G party members. If the China G could not completely eliminate the influence of the Soviet Union and the Gc International within it, once the Sino-Soviet war began in the future, the Soviet Union was likely to obtain key information from the National Defense Forces through the pro-Soviet faction, and the situation would become very dangerous!

Immediately afterwards, more information about the "intimate exchanges" between the senior leaders of the Central G and the Soviet Union was exposed, and many core figures of the Central G were involved. After "discovering" these situations, the Kuomintang, the Progressive Party, the China Democratic Promotion Association and other organizations sent open letters to the National Government and Central G, requiring Zhongg to investigate the pro-Soviet elements within it, and at the same time, the captured members of the People's Revolutionary Party and Gc International members were publicly tried, and the canon was clear.

When the article of Jiang JShi was published in "Shen Bao", it attracted the high attention of Chang Ruiqing and the Central G Central Central. For this reason, the Political Bureau of the Central G Central held an enlarged meeting for several days to discuss countermeasures. Chairman Mao Zd from Lanzhou also returned to Nanjing to attend the meeting, and clearly stated at the meeting that this was the Kuomintang's use of the "special relationship" between the Central G and G C internationally to launch a political offensive. The Central G G must fight back immediately, otherwise it may affect this year's election situation. However, on the issue of how to fight back, there are many different opinions on the senior leaders of the Central G G who participated in the enlarged meeting of the Politburo.

Zhou E, who returned from Vladivostok (the new capital of the Far Eastern Republic), proposed to tell the people of the whole country through propaganda that the Zhongg and the United Nations are not so-called "brother party", and the pro-Soviet forces within the Zhongg are also very weak. Zhongg is currently cleaning up pro-Soviet party members.

Li Dazhao disagreed with his opinion, believing that the way of discrimination is to show weakness to the Kuomintang and the Progressive Party, which will make them more aggressive. Moreover, Sino-Soviet relations are already very tense. If we make a fuss about the issue of captives in the Jinta incident, it is likely to lead to a complete break between China and the Soviet Union, which is not in line with China's interests.

Mao Zd believes that the current public opinion is mainly to oppose the Soviet invasion, and the second is to question China G. Therefore, China G should hold high the banner of anti-Soviet and tentativeness, and can openly trial the members of the People's Revolutionary Party and GC international personnel. Through such a public trial, the people of the whole country will realize that China G is by no means a brother party of the Soviet Union, and can also smear the People's Revolutionary Party and GC international. As for the risk of the Sino-Soviet breakup, Mao Zd was undecided for a moment and looked at Chang Ruiqing hesitantly.

After the Persian War, the whole world regarded the combat effectiveness of the Soviet Red Army more than one level. Although the Chinese National Defense Forces won a great victory in the Sino-Japanese War in 1923, it was not strong enough to defeat the Soviet Red Army's invasion. It made everyone feel at a loss.

Before Chang Ruiqing could speak, Zeng Qi knocked in and handed him a newspaper copying. This was an emergency telegram from Chinese Ambassador to Germany. Jiang Baili told Nanjing in the telegram that a large-scale anti-Soviet march organized by the Nazi Party broke out in Berlin, the capital of Germany. On the one hand, it supported the anti-Soviet struggle of the Chinese people; on the other hand, it condemned Britain's policy of compromise with the Soviet Union. German Chancellor Hitler also summoned Jiang Baili after the march and told him that the German government hoped to further expand economic and military cooperation with China, and invited Chang Ruiqing to visit Berlin when it was convenient.

Chang Ruiqing drank coffee in one sip, and his brows frowned slightly. He was not as excited as other comrades in the Politburo of China. He did not regard the storm caused by the Jinta incident as a bad thing. In fact, the Kuomintang played the anti-Soviet card this time, which hit his mind. Although Zhongg may have fewer members of parliament in this year's general election, Chang Ruiqing and Zhongg can also use the anti-Soviet public opinion that was incited by the Kuomintang and the Progressive Party (in fact, Zhongg himself is also conducting anti-Soviet propaganda) to propose a bill to increase taxes in the future parliament to expand military preparations. Moreover, the overwhelming anti-Soviet public opinion will also help demonize the Soviet Union and make pro-Soviet elements smelly. In this way, it will be very difficult for the Soviet Union to use what kind of ideology and ideals to respond to China's development in the guise.

"Since public opinion strongly demands against the Soviet Union, we still have to adapt." Chang Ruiqing gently put down the coffee cup in his hand, his tone was slow, but he said a little heavy: "However, the Soviet Union's military power is also very strong. While implementing the anti-Soviet policy, we must fully explain to the people that the Soviet Union is a country far stronger than Japan, and it is also the life-and-death enemy of our Chinese nation. We must deal with it with it twelve points in advance."

As soon as Chang Ruiqing said this, most of the people in the conference room looked solemn, but Mao Zd and Zhou Elai heard some profound meanings in Chang Ruiqing's words and looked at him in surprise.

"Why should we emphasize the strength of the Soviet Union?" Chang Ruiqing analyzed: "First of all, the Soviet Union is indeed one of the best military powers in the world. Their army strength and heavy industry strength are stronger than us. This is beyond doubt. We emphasize the strength of the Soviet Union, just to emphasize a fact. Secondly, China and the Soviet Union will have a war in the future, which has become a consensus among the top leaders of our party. It seems that it will not take long for the people of the whole country to accept the view that China and the Soviet Union will have a war. At this time, the Kuomintang and the Progressive Party have been regarded as a volunteer propagandist for us. Again, since China and the Soviet Union will not have a war in the future, the Kuomintang and the Progressive Party have been regarded as a volunteer propagandist for us. Again, since China and the Soviet Union will not have a war in the future, the Kuomintang and the Progressive Party have been regarded as a volunteer propagandist for us.

To avoid it, we must win! This is a war that concerns the life and death of the country. The failed side will surely destroy the country and the race! In order to win this battle, we must turn the next 10 years into a 10 years to prepare for the war. We will spend 10 years developing our heavy industry and arms industry, and at the same time strengthen the construction of the National Defense Forces and keep up with the development trend of world military technology. This requires the people of the whole country to work hard with us. A powerful Soviet Union, which is eyeing our territory, will officially work hard to build a strong national defense force..."

As he was speaking, Zeng Qi pushed the door open again and sent Chang Ruiqing a telegram from Chinese Ambassador to Britain Gu Weijun. This telegram was a report on the progress of the Sino-Soviet negotiations secretly held in London. The Soviet Union proposed to exchange a backbone of the Chinese People's Revolutionary Party or GC international personnel with ten Italian prisoners of war captured on the Persian battlefield. At the same time, the Soviet representative also hinted that the Soviet Union would not support the Chinese People's Revolutionary Party to launch an armed uprising again, and hoped that the Chinese side would not attempt to destroy the already very fragile Sino-Soviet peace situation by supporting religious extremists in the Soviet Union.

Chang Ruiqing informed the Chinese G leaders attending the conference, and then suggested with a blank expression: "It seems that we can only reject the conditions of the Soviet Union. Tell Gu Weijun that he should stop the negotiations with the Soviet Union immediately. At the same time, I plan to accept Mr. Hitler's invitation to visit Germany before the election begins."

"Will this cause the Sino-Soviet war to break out early?" Soong Ching Ling asked with a frown.

"Definitely not. Trotsky is one of the best military strategists and strategists in the world. He knows where the main battlefield of the next World War is." A sarcastic smile appeared on Chang Ruiqing's face. "Hitler also knew this very well, so he invited me to visit Germany at this sensitive moment."

Mao zd nodded, "With Germany restraining it in the west, Trotsky dared not to break up with us... The most misfortune thing about this world's number one strategist is probably that he has had a feud with China and Germany at the same time."

Zhou Elai nodded, and then said, "I agree with the Chairman's suggestion that we do not have to show weakness to the Soviet Union. Now the Soviet Union has 5 million tons of steel, while China and Germany have 15 million tons of steel together. It has an overwhelming advantage. I don't believe that Trotsky dares to go to war with us at this time. The Soviet Union's next task should be like us, and it is all about building heavy industry." Speaking of this, his tone became solemn. "Now the blockade of the five Britain, France, Germany, Italy and China has been in name only because of Britain's compromise. The United States supports the Soviet Union to a certain extent. The Soviet Union's national system is conducive to the construction of heavy industry. It seems that we still have a long way to go if we want to win this heavy industry competition!"

"It's okay." Chang Ruiqing shook his head and said, "Comrade Xiangyu, now the people of the whole country have realized that the war between China and the Soviet Union is inevitable. We just need to tell the people truthfully the gap in strength between China and the Soviet Union, and believe that the people will unite and fight with us! Our country's resources are no less than that of the Soviet Union. If 50 million citizens can work hard with us, coupled with the technical assistance from France, Germany and friendly countries, I believe that they can quickly catch up with the Soviet Union!"

...

A cold snorted from the office of the revolutionary prophet in the Kremlin. On the prophet's desk, an emergency telegram from the Soviet Embassy in the United Kingdom was being placed. The content of the telegram was the news that China rejected the conditions for Soviet peace talks and suspended negotiations.

Trotsky's reaction to this was a sneer.

"Who do these Asians who overestimate themselves think they are? If Germany hadn't restrained most of the Soviet Union's strength, the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army would have driven tanks to the streets of Nanjing long ago!"

Vates, the People's Committee on Labor and National Defense, was also in this office. He smiled and said to Trotsky: "As long as we can develop and build for 10 years, the Workers and Peasants' Red Army will be able to defeat the invasions of Germany and China at the same time."

"It's a pity that I'm not going to defeat the invasion of Germany and China at the same time, but to liberate the working people of Germany and China at the same time!" Trotsky pointed a cigar and took a few sips, then looked at Chichelin who had just returned to Moscow and said: "It's always unfavorable to fight on both sides. Comrade Chichelin, can we use any diplomatic skills to break such an unfavorable situation?"

"Comrade Trotsky, diplomatic means are not omnipotent." Chechelin answered helplessly.

"Is there no way?" Trotsky frowned and said, "Comrade Tukhachevsky returned to his post as Chief of Staff of the Red Army and did a wargame deduction. The results of the deduction show that if our large-scale attack on Germany cannot achieve the goal of eliminating white Germany in the short term, the Soviet Union will be 80% likely to fall into the dilemma of a war of attrition on both sides... However, if we can temporarily stabilize China, then our powerful Soviet Red Army will be 100% sure to eliminate white Germany within one year."

Trotsky's words were really a bit big, but the bigwigs of the Soviet Empire in this office did not realize this mistake.

The Soviet Union's People's Commissar frowned and thought hard. After a while, he nodded his head gently and whispered: "It's not impossible, but it's time to sacrifice the interests of Soviet Japan."

"How to sacrifice? Sell Japan to China?" Trotsky said lightly.

"No, that's not the case." Chechelin asked back: "Comrade Trotsky, do you remember the first Red Day plan set by Zhang Guotao and Katayama Potential before the victory of the Japanese Revolution?"

"You mean?" Trotsky certainly remembered that it was a plan to incite militarism to go south and fight against Britain and the United States. The purpose was to make both Japan and Britain and the United States suffer losses and provide convenience for the Soviet Union to liberate all mankind.

"Comrade Trotsky, this plan is still worthy." Chechelin sneered: "Japan went south to break the colonial system of Western powers in the South China Sea, which is the best way to restrain China's strength! Because China, like Japan, is salivating for the rich South China Sea."
Chapter completed!