"The overthrow of the old dynasty does not mean the end of the revolution. The great Bolsheviks, now it is not time to stop. We, who are responsible to the Russian people, must expand and defend our cause. Therefore, we must establish a Soviet regime in every piece of land in Russia, and we must export revolution to the whole world!"

In April of the Russian calendar, a volcano erupted. Workers, citizens and soldiers buried the Romanov dynasty that made the world angry and resentful. After a night of fierce battle, the Russians were surprised to find a funny situation in their capital where the provisional government and the two regimes of the workers, peasants and soldiers coexist.

The Bolshevik Party led by Lenin made a lot of contributions to the uprising, but unfortunately they were excluded from the feast of the division of the revolutionary results. After the revolution, the citizens of St. Petersburg cheered, the political prisoners who were released from prison knelt on the ground and cried with joy, and soldiers shot into the sky to vent their inner agitation. Only the Bolsheviks became few frustrated people in the ocean of joy.

On the night of April 26, the armed uprising was still in progress. The Bolshevik-led workers were fighting fiercely with the Moscow Imperial Guards who were loyal to the Tsar on the streets of St. Petersburg, while the Mensheviks and other Socialist Revolutionaries "take the opportunity" to pick the fruits of the revolution. They established the Interim Executive Committee of the Workers' Representative Soviet Union late at night when gunfires were blowing, and issued an announcement on the establishment of the Petrograd (St. Petersburg) Soviet regime in the Tafrida Palace.

Since the Mensheviks were legal parties during the Tsarist Russia period, this made the Mensheviks have many conveniences. Compared with the Bolsheviks, which were more similar to street gangs or terrorist organizations, they were more likely to gain support from the Duma MPs of the State of St. Petersburg and ordinary citizens of St. Petersburg. In the election of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet regime, the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries occupied the vast majority of the seats, while the Bolsheviks led by Lenin only occupied three seats because of their "lateness".

If the contradiction with the Mensheviks is still an internal contradiction, then the existence of the provisional government will make Lenin and the Bolsheviks feel uncomfortable.

The Provisional Government, composed of royalists and bourgeoisie, was even more hating the proletariat while opposing the rule of Tsar Nicholas II. Before the war in St. Petersburg had stopped, they took the lead in establishing the State Duma Provisional Committee, and then wooed the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries who were trapped in "surrenderism" and "compromiseism".

At that time, the Petrograd Soviet or Mensheviks actually controlled St. Petersburg, but they believed that the entire Russia could not be controlled by the power of the working class alone, and it might even trigger armed interference in other imperialist countries, resulting in the failure of the revolution. After many Mensheviks insisted on overthrowing the Tsarist system, the legal master of Russia should be the bourgeoisie. The existence of the Soviet government puts pressure on the bourgeoisie and forces them to reform Russia in accordance with public opinion. Therefore, the Mensheviks handed over the power to the Provisional Government.

Because the bourgeois provisional government has received support from the petty and medium-sized bourgeoisie, small private owners, handicraftsmen and small owners in St. Petersburg, externally, diplomatic support from world powers such as Britain, France and the United States, and the Russian Bolsheviks "faithfully" that their main leaders except Lenin were either still abroad, or were still imprisoned or in exile places far from the revolutionary center, and their traditional sphere of influence was workers and army. Therefore, the Bolsheviks lacked enough influence on the Petrograd Soviets and could not stop the Menshevik surrenderism.

Facts have proved that the Bolshevik Party was not a party that easily admits defeat, and the revolutionary mentor Lenin would not give up his career easily. In front of the Winter Palace at the end of April, Lenin issued a declaration called "April Talk" by historians. It expanded its power internally and exported its revolution to the outside world, which was the basic policy of the Bolsheviks based in Russia.

In early May, in St. Petersburg, Russia, the sky is no longer filled with goose yellow snow, and the warm sunshine shines on this quiet city on the surface.

Yusupov Palace is a classical mansion from the mid-18th century, built on the bank of the Moika River full of industrial sewage. In another time and space, the basement of the Tsar's lamplight official Raspusupov Palace was assassinated by the nobles. This scene did not happen in this plane, but Rasputin's prophecy was confirmed here.

The Central Committee of the Bolshevik Central Bureau proposed to be held in Yusupov Palace. History always has amazing inertia. Even if the existence of certain people and certain things has an indelible impact on history, things that are inherited will not be easily changed.

"We cannot give up the struggle just because we are in a difficult situation and have a small number of people. In addition to insisting on the eight-hour working system, confiscating land of landlords, establishing a democratic republic and ending the imperialist war, the next phase of our Bolsheviks is to expose the surrenderism of the Mensheviks and accumulate strength to regain control of the Petrograd Soviet."

Stalin, who had just escaped from Siberia to St. Petersburg, talked quietly and pretended to pass by Lenin, the revolutionary mentor who had entered into meditation, and took the word "take back" very seriously.

The Bolshevik Central Executive Committees present all knew the heavy weight of the word "take back". Although the facts made the Bolsheviks, who claimed to be closely connected with the masses, were ashamed of the Bolsheviks, after all, they did not have the confidence to win enough votes in a democratic way. If Russia really established a democratic republic that the Bolsheviks were running around and hoping to establish, then they would definitely get nothing in the election of the Constitutional Assembly.

The Central Executive Committees' faces were somewhat bad. Thanks to the years of demonized propaganda by the Tsarist government, there were many misunderstandings about the Bolsheviks and socialism. The biggest trump card of the Bolsheviks was not the support of the people, but they controlled many armed forces and had many workers, while the bourgeois provisional government only controlled some unruly warlords in form.

Lenin signaled Stalin to continue without changing his expression. The Georgians no longer hesitated. As Lenin's assistant, he cleared his throat, and a ruthless look flashed quickly on his face, and said loudly:

"Of course, regaining control of the Petrograd Soviet is only the first step. Our ultimate goal is to defeat the remnant force of the Tsarist rule, the Provisional Government, and establish our own regime. To protect this achievement, we can machine guns and make the necessary sacrifices!"

"Comrade Stalin, what is the necessary sacrifice!"

The fraud scandal of forcing votes with machine guns can still make the Bolsheviks accept it. If they cede land to pay compensation from outside, the executive members of the Bolshevik Central Committee would not agree anyway. After all, they are revolutionary soldiers and Russians, and great power chauvinism has penetrated into the souls of every Russian.

In May, the weak bourgeois provisional government could not withstand the frequent pressures put in place by Britain and France and declared that Russia would not withdraw from the war, which was tantamount to a slap of the Bolsheviks.

In early April, when Lenin secretly returned to Russia through Germany, he reached a tacit understanding with the German Supreme Command. After the April Revolution, Lenin soon sent representatives to secretly contact the German Supreme Command.

In place of Rudendolf, Von Querman, who formally controlled German diplomacy, took out a rough Russian map and pencil at the negotiation meeting, pulled out a straight line on the Russian map, and included the entire Baltic region, Ukraine and the Caucasus into the German territory. According to this agreement, Russia will lose one-quarter of its territory, and these territories are the most essential parts of Russia: forty-four percent of its population, twenty-seven percent of its income, eighty percent of its sugar factory, seventy-three percent of its iron and seventy-five percent of its coal will become German trophy.

The Russian Bolsheviks who participated in the negotiations were expressionless and exclaimed, "In world history, there has never been annexistence political behavior that is worse than the nature of this negotiation." The news brought back by the Russian negotiators ignited the emotions of the Bolshevik Central Executive Committee. Faced with the humiliation of the Germans, even though they knew that the negotiation was led by Lenin, the Central Executive Committee still launched a huge opposition.

Stalin's old tune was repeated. Although the Central Executive Committee knew that Lenin, the revolutionary mentor standing behind the Georgians who always held pipes in their hands, also knew that only peace could give the Bolsheviks integrated resources to gain a foothold in Russia, consolidate and expand the revolutionary achievements, simple patriotism made it difficult for them to accept these emotionally.

"Comrades, accepting the peace clause proposed by German Foreign Minister Von Quermann is to treason the country!"

"No, comrades, concessions are only temporary. As long as we stand firm, we will tear up the unequal oppressive treaty imposed on us by imperialism at any time, and I believe the German Revolution will soon come!"

The speech of the revolutionary mentor temporarily blocked the resentment of the Bolshevik Central Executive Committee. First, the Bolsheviks had not yet regained control of the Petrograd Soviet, so it was too early to consider diplomatic issues. Furthermore, Lenin's view was not without basis. Marxists appreciated Germany's advanced industry and the Social Democratic Party that even the iron-blooded prime minister could not contain it. They always believed that Germany would definitely be the place to establish the first socialist society.

"If we must surrender to the success of the German Revolution, we must do this. The German revolution is much more important than us. Without the German revolution, we will perish. This is an absolute truth!"

Lenin stretched out his index finger and gently tapped the conference table, reminding him:

"And we should trust our comrades in Germany, Albert, Liebkne and Aubu are trustworthy!"

"Albert...Ob..." Later, Trotsky, the famous father of the Red Army, couldn't help but shudder. Trotsky would not forget those two names, the former was the right-wing leader of the German Social Democratic Party, and the latter was the head of the Social Democratic Party in the Schleswighelstein region of Germany.

This is the absolute military force of the German Supreme Command and the Russian Bolshevik Party, which seems to be very weak at this stage, but its revolutionary propaganda capabilities are unparalleled. The bet is from Narva in the Arctic to the vast territory of the Caucasus and the Black Sea. Although Lenin first arranged some chess pieces, it is still unknown who will win. (To be continued...)
Chapter completed!