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Section 1 Unexpected War (2)

Although Yang Yongtai's words suppressed the rise in everyone's emotions, Zhang Zhizhong He Yingqin's emotions were still very good, Chen Cheng's performance was acceptable, and he knew more about Chongqing. However, he had a lot of opinions on some of Zhuang Jihua's actions, especially equipping the Sichuan Army. However, since Chiang Kai-shek did not say anything, he was not good at insisting.

"It's better to have it than not. These problems can always be solved," Zhang Zhizhong said with a smile: "Chairman, the decision to develop Southwest was really brilliant. It's unimaginable that such a great achievement has been achieved in just five years."

"It would be great if there were another five years." Yang Yongtai sighed: "I talked to the Cultural Revolution. Southwest development is now only on the right track. It will take five years to achieve great success."

Lin Wei glanced at Yang Yongtai. He knew why Yang Yongtai repeatedly emphasized difficulties today. Yang Yongtai didn't want to start a war now. He believed that some concessions could be made to exchange for time. When Chiang Kai-shek asked his opinions before, he insisted on approving the results of the negotiations on Peking.

"Let's not talk about these," Chiang Kai-shek said lightly: "Everyone understands our situation. Now let's talk about the Lugou Bridge incident, how should we deal with it. First of all, is Japan intentionally provoking it, just like September 18, January 28 and Rehe."

The room was silent for a moment, and after a long time, Zhang Zhizhong asked: "What reports are there in Peking? What are the negotiations and negotiations? And what about the Japanese army's mobilization? Brother Mo Wen."

"No, except for reporting the two conflicts last night and this afternoon, there is no specific report." Lin Wei replied: "The report obtained by the central government was still transmitted through the Beiping Station of the Secret Service."

"What's going on? The results of the negotiation have not been reported? What are Song Mingxuan going to do?" Zhang Zhizhong immediately became alert. This was too abnormal. The central government had already ordered that any conflicts and negotiations with the Japanese must be reported to the central government. The central government will be unified and guided, but why did not report the progress of the incident in Peking?

"Brother Wenbai, this is not easy to understand." Yang Yongtai sighed and said, "Song Mingxuan is both guarding against the Japanese and the central government, and I'm afraid the latter has a stronger meaning."

"This condition is acceptable and can be explained to domestic public opinion." He Yingqin said carefully: "I don't know if you have seen the power of the Communist Party's C party today. Hum, Hum, what is the critical moment of Pingjin. North China is critical and the Chinese nation is critical; it seems that the sky is about to collapse, and I am afraid that the world will not be in chaos."

"Their purpose is obvious. As long as the Sino-Japanese War breaks out, the pressure on them will disappear immediately. Their situation will change immediately, and they will change from passive to active in negotiations." Lin Wei added that the Kuomintang and the Communist Party have been held for several rounds. The two sides organized repeated arguments in the territory. The Kuomintang demanded the abolition of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region, Mao Z-dong and Zhu D went abroad, and they did not agree to implement non-party cooperation. They suggested the establishment of the National Revolutionary Alliance, and the same cadres on both sides joined. Chiang Kai-shek was the chairman. The Communist Party obviously could not agree, and the two sides formed a stalemate. Zhou E came to Yan'an in mid-June.

But once the War of Resistance begins, the Central Army gathered in Shaanxi will be transferred east to the front line. Moreover, the Red Army has 40,000 to 50,000 officers and soldiers from all battlefields. This is also a huge force in the War of Resistance, but it will also become an important weight to increase the requirements.

"This result is basically acceptable." Chiang Kai-shek thought, "It can be seen from the information from all aspects that the Japanese are transferring troops from Northeast Korea to Peking. There are also endless debates within the Japanese government. I think this incident is not so easy to pass."

"The principal is right." Chen Cheng immediately interfered. He didn't say anything just now. The negotiations with the ** are chaired by him. But at the same time, another negotiation was held in Shanghai. That is, Chen Lifu presided over the negotiations with Deng Yanda in the third party. The two sides also formed a stalemate. But the third party did not arm itself. Therefore, it was obvious that the government took the initiative. But their party leader Deng Yanda had too much influence. To this day, many Huangpu students still regard Chen Cheng as idols. Chen Cheng and Deng Yanda have a very close relationship. This is why Chiang Kai-shek refused to hand over the negotiations to Chen Chengda.

Chen Cheng took the Zhuang Jihua-style handling of the relationship with Deng Yanda. His personal relationship was not concealed or denied. However, his political stance was not affected at all. He hoped that the negotiations with Deng Yanda would go smoothly. However, news from all sides showed that the third party was also very firm immediately. The negotiations were not progressing much. He was afraid that Chiang Kai-shek would send him to persuade Deng Yanda. This would make him an embarrassing situation. Because he knew that Deng Yanda's personality could not accept his advice at all, he was reluctant to continue to talk about the topic of negotiation, so as not to talk about the negotiations.

"In September 18th, we made a mistake in the judgment. As a result, we lost the three eastern provinces. In the Rehe period, Zhang Xueliang made another mistake in underestimating the enemy. As a result, we lost the Rehe and the Great Wall. This time we cannot make such mistakes again. Only when we can fight can we have peace." Chen Cheng's words are sonorous and powerful: "I suggest that we immediately mobilize troops to the north to strengthen the defense of the Beiping. At the same time, we send heavy troops to the south entrance. On the one hand, we threaten the flanks of Japan. On the other hand, we prevent the Japanese army from launching an attack on Shanxi after the loss of Pingjin; Second, we establish a front-line command in Shijiazhuang. We transfer heavy troops to North China to prepare for defense; the 29th Army Command should be moved to Baoding immediately."

Chen Chengdi's suggestion is undoubtedly a kind of basis for the field deployment. This makes He Yingqin feel a little inappropriate: "Ci Xiu. You are adding fuel to the fire. When we mobilize the troops, the Japanese will soon know that they will respond accordingly. This will lead to the tension. Instead, the conflict will escalate."

"I don't think so. At present, Japan is strong, China is weak. It is impossible to actively challenge the strong. But we must show our attitude and let the Japanese understand our underground line. Zhuang Wenge had a saying that is right to the earth. I am afraid that both sides will misjudgment. We are prepared to let the Japanese retreat." Lin Wei interrupted without hesitation.

"Brother Wei Wen is right," Zhang Zhizhong also interrupted: "If Pingjin is lost without a fight, or if it fails soon, can the central government accept it? How can it explain to the people across the country after acceptance?"

"Pingjin must not be lost. If Pingjin is thrown away like the three northeastern provinces or Rehe, the National Government should step down." Chiang Kai-shek stood up and said resolutely. Chen Cheng's words just now reminded him that the other party must understand your determination, while Zhang Zhizhong was warning him that if such a situation occurs, a new round of protests will inevitably appear in the country, and it has gradually improved. The political environment will immediately become very bad. His prestige accumulated in the Xi'an Incident will collapse immediately. Those who originally supported him in the party and army will turn to oppose him, and Huangpu classmates will also split. Those who succeed him, such as Wang Jingwei, if he can pull Deng Yanda over, then most of the people in the Huangpu clan will not oppose this regime.

"Respect me, you will go back to Nanjing tomorrow and contact the Japanese ambassador and tell them that the handling of the Lugou Bridge incident is based on the fact that it does not damage the national character, does not damage my country's sovereignty, does not withdraw troops, and does not change local officials. It will not accept this in excess of these lines." Chiang Kai-shek's expression was serious.

He Yingqin opened his mouth and wanted to object, but in the end he replied: "Yes, Chairman, I will go back early tomorrow morning."

"Song Mingxuan wants to remind him, Changqing, record," Chiang Kai-shek thought, "The Lu case must not be resolved peacefully. The Japanese side will be more aggressive and will never be able to do it. When the Central Committee is determined to use all its strength to fight against Japan, and would rather be broken to maintain the personality of our country. This victory and defeat are all in agreement between my brother and the Central Committee. No matter whether the war is harmonious, it should not be carried out alone, so as not to be defeated by the enemy. Brother can move the headquarters to protect Baoding to avoid being surrounded by the Japanese army. After Chiang Kai-shek finished writing, Yang Yongtai finished writing, Chiang Kai-shek immediately signed the three words Chiang Kai-shek on the telegram. Then he said to Chen Cheng: "Song Mingxuan is not guarding against the Central Army, so he should not even be guarded by his colleagues in the Northwest Army. Sun Lianzhong is in the officer training regiment and asks him to see me tomorrow and transfer him to the front line of Peking. Song Zheyuan will not have any ideas."

"Chairman Gao Ming." Chen Cheng smiled.

As expected, things were as Chiang Kai-shek was worried. On July 9th, the commander of the Japanese Infantry Brigade of the Japanese garrison army, Masasa Kawabian mobilized a brigade to attack Lugou Bridge again, but the reinforcements of the 29th Army had arrived. After three hours of fierce fighting, the Chinese team repelled the Japanese attack again and began to surround the flank of Masasa Hawabian. Masasa Hawabian retreated in a panic.

The war did not make any progress, and the Japanese army had to return to the negotiating table. But at this time, the news had already spread that the domestic anti-Japanese anger was rising. Peking, led by Tsinghua University and Yanjing Peking University students, took to the streets to support the 29th Army in the War of Resistance. A large number of Peking citizens participated in their actions. The angry citizens smashed Japanese stores in Peking; Wuhan, Nanjing, Taiyuan, Guangzhou, Chongqing, Nanning, all parts of the country, and all walks of life issued telegrams to the central government, demanding to resist the Japanese attack and launch a complete war of resistance.

The same situation also happened in Japan, headed by the Asahi Shimbun, Tokyo Hijishi, Yomiuri Shimbun, and three major news newspapers, proclaiming the tyranny of the Chinese team, believing that the Lugou Bridge incident was a provocation of the Japanese army being trained by the Chinese team, and an offense to the Japanese Empire. The frequent anti-Japanese incidents that broke out in various parts of China were instructed.

The news media has fueled the Japanese people's emotions. In recent years, the Imperial Japanese Army has made great achievements and expanded its territory, adding supreme glory to the imperial country. Social groups in various places have launched activities, demanding that the tyrannical Chinese team be punished and the protection of the Japanese army in China.
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