Section 1 Fiat Currency (2)
Inflation is not unacceptable. In peacetime, inflation is still in the middle of war, and this inflation must also be limited. It is too exaggerated to have to be in sacks to buy tofu. What’s more, the Kuomintang did not have a wartime economic policy at all during the war, but insisted on implementing a liberal economy with very little government regulation. In contrast, Europe and the United States, Britain, France and Germany implemented strict rationing systems during World War II. This rationing system was extremely strict and meticulous, and could only meet a person’s basic needs. For example, at the most difficult moments, each person made regulations on how many hot baths each week.
"Shaoqing, after attending the meeting, you talk to Weng Wenhao about the issue of establishing a wartime rationing system, and if possible, talk to the principal." Zhuang Jihua wanted to try it first in Chongqing, but he immediately rejected the idea. It is impossible to implement this rationing system in isolated areas.
Mei Yuntian nodded and asked, "What should I do if this?"
"We don't know how they played cards, but if you invite us to go, it means that they also need our cooperation. Then we can make some requests. Shaoqing, this is a very difficult thing." Zhuang Jihua said slowly.
Mei Yuntian nodded slowly, saying that he knew the difficulties. The currency was different from others, and Chiang Kai-shek might have made very small concessions.
Zhuang Jihua looked at Mei Yuntian and revealed his idea: "What I mean is to check and balance, separate the right to issue currency and policy-making power. The two are mutually exclusive and restrain each other. The place where the right to issue currency has no right to formulate monetary policies. The amount of currency issuance must be jointly decided by the two committees. The currency issuance authority can be related banks. It is best for us to participate in this area. If there is no need to force it, the key is the person who formulates monetary policies. This committee is best an economist. The less relationship with the bank, the better, it is best to have nothing to do with it. A person with a strong bones like Ma Yinchu, after you go to Nanjing, you will also talk to Weng Wenhao about this meaning and get his support."
"I understand what you mean," Mei Yuntian looked worried. He knew very well that this idea seemed easy. In fact, it was difficult: "I can't guarantee to convince my uncle, I will try my best to fight."
Zhuang Jihua nodded and patted his shoulder. He could only do this now.
It was the afternoon when Mei Yuntian and Lian Xiaosen got off the boat in Nanjing. The car sent by the Ministry of Finance had been waiting at the dock. After getting on the bus, they drove directly to the Nanjing Hotel. Mei Yuntian chatted with the receptionist and found out that not only did he represent Sichuan Development Bank, but also representatives from the Shanghai Banking Industry, Shanxi Banking Industry, Guangdong and Guangxi Banking Industry, and Yunnan Banking Industry. In short, bank representatives came to attend the meeting in any area where currency could be issued.
The car ran very fast, but the scene along the way still rushed into Mei Yuntian's eyes, with half of slogans everywhere. The flags on the ground were also being cleaned. A section chief came from the reception desk. When he saw Mei Yuntian watching these, he wrote a little surprised: "The students marched again in the morning. Mr. Mei, didn't the students in Chongqing march on the streets?"
"Yes, but there was no such fierce battle, and there were only those days." Mei Yuntian said that those days refer to the days when the He Mei Agreement was signed. This agreement once again made a large concession to Japan, withdrawing all the Northeast Army and the Central Army from North China. Moreover, the Japanese called for Zeng to expand their relationship, and Jiang Xiaoxian and other backbones of the Blue-Clothing Society were withdrawn from Peking and Tianjin. He Yingqin agreed one by one, and the sovereignty of North China was once again lost.
As soon as the He Mei Agreement was reported, the national uproar was already at the gun of the Japanese. Peking's ancient capital was already at the gun of the Japanese. Peking students took to the streets again to protest He Yingqin's betrayal of North China and demanded that He Yingqin be killed to thank the world. The anti-Japanese movement started by the students quickly spread across the country. The Pingjin Students' National Rescue Congress once again organized troops to go south and petition the central government to send troops to fight against Japan. However, when they arrived in Zhengzhou, they were sent by Liu Zhi to pull off the train.
The students in the north were stopped, but the students in Beijing, Shanghai and Hangzhou still rushed into Nanjing and petitioned the National Government. Chiang Kai-shek hid in Lushan, and Wang Jingwei had to come out to explain, but the students did not listen. They turned to attack He Yingqin's home, but He Yingqin also hid in Lushan. Students who could not find anyone went to attack the military command. This was definitely not possible. The Nanjing Garrison Command sent troops to disperse the students, but the students did not give up. They held demonstrations in Nanjing every few days, causing the police garrison to be in a hurry.
"Oh," I heard that there were only a few days, the section chief sighed a little: "You Chongqing students are really good, you know the general."
Knowing the general idea? Mei Yuntian sneered in his heart and did something that would make people wipe his butt. This time the student fortune made Zhuang Jihua very busy, and he had to personally persuade the students not to get on the boat to Nanjing. The negotiations with the students lasted all day, and finally convinced the students to give up their plans to go to Nanjing and instead go to the countryside to participate in rent reduction and interest reduction.
From the section chief, Mei Yuntian accidentally learned that there was Zhang Jingjiang among the representatives of the Shanghai banking industry, and he also lived in a Nanjing Hotel, so when Zhang Jingjiang came to his room, he was not surprised at all.
"Mr. Jingjiang, you are here too. I should go and see you." Mei Yuntian knew that he was wrong as soon as he spoke.
Sure enough, Zhang Jingjiang's eyes turned and his face immediately pulled down: "You guy are so polite, are you meant I shouldn't come?"
"There should be the time when your veteran is taking action. Isn't that the saying that, one veteran is taking action. One veteran is taking action. As soon as you come forward, you can beat me and the Cultural Revolution." Mei Yuntian Tian Xue Zhuang Jihua pushed Zhang Jingjiang's wheelchair into his room.
"I'm afraid I can't even beat you one of you," Zhang Jingjiang smiled mockingly: "You have done a pretty job in Chongqing in recent years. With you young people here, I can't accept it, the old guy."
"Where are you talking about, you have made great contributions to this," Mei Yuntian quickly said modestly, and then immediately changed the topic: "By the way, is Mr. Yu here?"
"He will not come tomorrow, and he has more things than me," Zhang Jingjiang said lightly, and then mentioned the main topic of his coming today: "What did the Cultural Revolution think."
Mei Yuntian then told him in detail about Zhuang Jihua's concerns and ideas. After hearing this, Zhang Jingjiang closed his eyes and thought, and said, "Well, although his concerns make sense, it may be difficult to realize them. Chairman Jiang will never agree to anyone's restraint."
"What should I do?" Mei Yuntian felt very tricky about this complex political relationship. He envied Zhuang Jihua's ease of handling such things. It seemed easy every time, but when it was his turn, he was helpless.
"It's not that there is no way, it depends on what other places think," said Zhang Jingjiang. "This issuance of fiat currency seems to be an economic but actually a contest of political forces. Guangdong and Guangxi Bank is actually a representative of Chen Jitang, Shanxi Bank is the representative of Yan Xishan, Yunnan is the representative of Long Yun. In addition, Shandong Han Fuqu also issues currency in Shandong, but he is not qualified to attend such a meeting for the time being." Zhang Jingjiang is worthy of being an old man in politics. He explained the parties behind this meeting clearly in just a simple sentence: "Chen Jitang, Yan Xishan, and Long Yun are all silly disobeying Nanjing. They will not easily think that Chairman Jiang surrenders, so we can see many things."
Speaking of this, Zhang Jingjiang paused and said very seriously: "Shaoqing, don't let go. This is a major event that Chiang Kai-shek has planned for a long time. Whoever stands up to oppose it will hold a grudge against him. Once he holds a grudge, he will definitely be unlucky in the future." Then he added: "The same is true for Zhuang Wenge."
"Have you offended him before the Cultural Revolution?" Mei Yuntian was shocked and then asked with some concern.
"That's different. Moreover, Zhuang Wenjie is very smart. Although he is fighting for strength everywhere and his power expands rapidly, Chiang Kai-shek is very clear that what the Cultural Revolution did was good for him. What's more important is that the Cultural Revolution never interfered in Nanjing's government affairs privately, and he also let go of the people Chiang Kai-shek gave him. For example, Teng Jie, Tang Zong, He Guoguang, and later Yang Yongtai, the Cultural Revolution could work closely with them, so Chiang Kai-shek was extremely relieved." Zhang Jingjiang said lightly, while Mei Yuntian was sweating coldly. Chongqing's smooth development made him feel confident, believing that he could develop to Nanjing and gain greater power, so that Chongqing's experience could be implemented on a larger scale. However, such suggestions were firmly rejected by Zhuang Jihua. It seems that Zhuang Jihua had seen through the bottom line of Chiang Kai-shek's tolerance for him.
"Boy, you have to learn more from the Cultural Revolution in this regard." Zhang Jingjiang smiled.
"I understand," Mei Yuntian nodded, but then asked with a frown, "Then can I realize that idea or how to achieve it? And we don't have to stand out."
Zhang Jingjiang thought about it and said, "I will respond immediately. If I don't speak, don't speak. Let Chen Jitang and his representatives make trouble in front of you. Let's talk about the situation."
As Zhang Jingjiang expected, at the meeting held by the Ministry of Finance the next day, after Kong Xiangxi read out the government's opinions on issuing legal currency, the venue fell into silence. Representatives, you look at me and I look at you and you don't even open it.
Kong Xiangxi's blessed smile on his round face became more and more stiff. After waiting for a long time, he finally couldn't help but speak out.
"Shaoqing, what is your Sichuan Bank's opinion? When will you stop issuing currency and take back the currency circulating on the market?"
Kong Xiangxi's meaning of pointing Mei Yuntian is very obvious. He hopes that Mei Yuntian can stand up and support him, after all, they still have the name of relatives.
Mei Yuntian thought for a while and said, "We support the unified currency, and Chairman and Minister Kong are very clear about this. However, reclaiming currency is a very complicated task. First of all, we must determine the exchange rate of the currency. There are many factors that determine the exchange rate. The most important one is the exchange relationship between reserve and international hard currency. In addition, there must be sufficient currency. Therefore, I really can't say that as long as the central government gives sufficient legal currency, we will do our best to recover the currency in the shortest time."
Chapter completed!