After Jiang Xianyun left Zhuang Jihua's ward, he wandered in front of the hospital gate and kept smoking. He didn't know what to do. Chiang Kai-shek wanted to take the knife, at least he hadn't found these things when he was in Nanchang. People from the General Command of Nanchang came and went, representatives of Shanghai Bank, representatives of the business community of Jiangsu and Zhejiang, representatives of Shanghai industrial and industrial groups, representatives of Jiangsu and Zhejiang local groups; these are all normal. The revolutionary development has allowed those who originally had a wait-and-see attitude to quickly move closer to the revolution, and the General Command of the Northern Expedition Army is the most dazzling place.

On the other hand, this judgment was made by Zhuang Jihua. He was not a comrade in the party. If he believed him, would the leader believe it? What is more important is the evidence. Where is the evidence? Jiang Xianyun hesitated for a while, threw away the cigarette butt in his hand, turned around and walked into the hospital.

"Cultural Revolution, let's talk." Jiang Xianyun pushed open the door and saw the three people sitting in front of the hospital bed, but he insisted on making a request. Zhuang Jihua nodded, Song Yunfei, Wu Ziniu and Xiaoxiu stood up, and left the room one after another. Xiaoxiu closed the door and said carefully: "Don't quarrel." Jiang Xianyun smiled at her to relieve her.

After the three of them left, the two of them were left facing each other, but they were relatively silent, thinking a lot, but they didn't know how to speak.

"How can I convince them?" In the end, Jiang Xianyun spoke first, and the long silence made him feel very depressed.

Zhuang Jihua felt helpless. He frowned and pondered for a while, then shook his head: "There is no way. We have no direct evidence. The conflict between the principal and Wuhan is still limited to the regime and party power, and the conflict has not reached that level. Your party and the Soviet Union still have fantasies about him."

"But..., Cultural Revolution, can you be sure that he really can use force?"

Zhuang Jihua was stunned and felt that Jiang Xianyun's thoughts were a little confused: "What's wrong with you? How did you forget about military academy education? That battle is 100% sure. No, if you have 60% sure, the chance of winning is very high. Sometimes it's enough to be 30% sure, just say that Niu Xing fights. I actually have no 10% sure, but I still fought."

Jiang Xianyun was silent. He knew that Zhuang Jihua was right, and now he was just predicting: "Then do you think we should take what precautions?"

Zhuang Jihua said without thinking: "If it were me, now we would start to transfer some of our forces underground and some of our backbone forces to the countryside; secondly, we should use the current cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party to not completely break down, and train an armed force that is completely controlled by you, with as many people as possible to control the border between Hunan and Jiangxi."

Jiang Xianyun's eyes lit up and he felt that this idea was good, but Zhuang Jihua's next sentence drove him into trouble again.

"But can you convince them? According to the Soviet experience, urban riots are the way to revolution." Zhuang Jihua's voice contained a hint of mockery.

Jiang Xianyun's head was a little ached again. Only then did he notice that Zhuang Jihua's countermeasure was to withdraw most of his forces to the countryside, not the city.

"Cultural Revolution, what you mean is that we should give up the city and go to the countryside." Jiang Xianyun asked hesitantly.

Zhuang Jihua smiled implicitly, and a little bitter pride suddenly surged in his heart. Taizu had to wait a few months before he could lead his troops to retreat to Jinggangshan. It was concluded that the road to encircling the city in the countryside might have to wait a few years.

"What are you proud of? I'll ask you." Jiang Xianyun was a little angry and strange. He didn't understand where Zhuang Jihua's proudness came from.

"Oh, of course that's the case." Zhuang Jihua said with a serious expression: "In the city, you are too weak and you can't beat the principal. Only you in the countryside have a chance."

"Rural?" Jiang Xianyun was very puzzled. This was contrary to the Soviet Union's experience. He relied on the working class to riot in the city and then won national victory. This was the path that the Soviet Union had successfully practiced.

"I have asked Zaitian and Yu Sadu before, what is the difference between the Chinese revolution and the Soviet revolution? This is one of the differences. Soviet Russia has succeeded in the city, but China can only go to the countryside, accumulate strength, and then enter the city after its strength is strong."

"Hunan has good conditions, the peasant movement is very prosperous, the terrain is mountainous, with Guangdong to the south, Guizhou to the west, and Jiangxi to the east; the mountainous land represents weak rule. With a good mass base, this is your capital."

"For your Party Central Committee, I suggest you write a memorandum, including your predictions on the development of the situation in recent months and the response strategies you have adopted. This is what you can do." Jiang Xianyun was stunned and suddenly said: "I can still approach him. I have the opportunity to kill him."

"You must let go of this idea," Zhuang Jihua said heavily. There was a hint of grief in his tone. Jiang Xianyun was different from him. He was considering himself, but Jiang Xianyun would not. If he didn't explain the power of it, he would really do it: "The principal has not yet reached that point. If you kill him now, no matter whether it succeeds or not, your party will be charged with undermining the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. Then what? Others will purge the party openly. No matter if there is some without the principal, do you understand!"

Chiang Kai-shek was just a representative, and there were many people who pushed him behind him. Once Jiang Xianyun performed an assassination, he would provide the Kuomintang with a purge of the party regardless of whether he succeeded or not, and would also affect those who originally had a neutral view. Therefore, this method cannot be adopted no matter what.

Helpless, heavy helpless; pain, the greatest pain in the world is that he knows that the tragedy is about to happen but he is powerless to stop it. Jiang Xianyun and Zhuang Jihua are speechless, and the suffocating depression permeates between the two.

According to Zhuang Jihua's proposal, Jiang Xianyun wrote a memorandum overnight and sent it to Zhongheli to hand it over to the Hubei Provincial Military Commission. The Secretary of the Military Commission was Nie R-zhen, the former political instructor of Huangpu. Nie R-zhen was very shocked after seeing it. He knew Jiang Xianyun very well. Although he was a little depressed after returning from Nanchang, he did not expect that he was so pessimistic about the development of the situation, and was even more surprised that he proposed a corresponding plan.

"Wushan, do you have any evidence? Does Chiang Kai-shek really use force?" At this moment, the only two of them were left in the office, and the others were driven away.

"This is how I judged, but we have no evidence, but I think the situation will develop in this direction, and the speed will exceed our imagination." Jiang Xianyun had calmed down at this moment. He had figured it out and tried his best to save the situation and preserve his strength.

"We?" Nie rzhen was very sensitive and immediately grabbed the flaw in Jiang Xianyun's words: "Who else besides you?"

Jiang Xianyun was stunned and then admitted: "I promised not to disclose his name. In fact, you also know him, and you are also a Huangpu classmate."

"Huangpu land? Zhuang Cultural Revolution?" Nie Rzhen quickly guessed the answer. Jiang Xianyun closed his mouth tightly and did not deny or admit it.

"It's really rare for the two heroes of Huangpu. He finally saw Chiang Kai-shek clearly." Nie R-zhen's words contained a hint of joy. When he was in Huangpu, Director Zhou put a lot of thoughts on Zhuang Jihua, but he didn't pull him over. Unexpectedly, now.

"Instructor Nie was too happy." Jiang Xianyun smiled bitterly: "He clearly refused, we had a fight."

Nie R-zhen was stunned. He was a little confused. Since Zhuang Jihua would warn them, why would he not stand up completely?

"These conclusions are the result of our deduction," although Jiang Xianyun did not admit it, he brought Zhuang Jihua in his words: "Secretary Nie, I hope you can report this report to the central government."

"This is natural. Let's report to Comrade Guotao immediately." Nie rzhen said and picked up the phone.

"Secretary Nie," Jiang Xianyun suddenly shouted. Nie R-zhen, who was dialing, stopped and looked at him in confusion: "Can the teacher not mention the Cultural Revolution? I have promised him."

Nie rzhen shook his head and sighed, "This Zhuang Jihua is swaying and petty bourgeois compromise is really deeply rooted."

"Are Comrade Guotao here?" Nie rzhen called and asked, "Oh, that's good. I'll come over to see him right away."

Zhongheli is not a building but an alley. This alley was originally full of real estates from the subordinate agencies of Hubei Governors. After Wuchang conquered it, it was confiscated by the National Government as a counter-production. The ** took action faster and occupied it first. First, the Military Commission moved here and then the Provincial Party Committee Youth League Committee moved all over, becoming ** in the heart of Hubei.

After leaving the No. 2 Military Commission of Zhongheli, I turned to No. 3 and was the Provincial Party Committee. It was very lively these days. The festive season of the Spring Festival has not yet passed. The word "Fu" hanging upside down on the gate is still brand new, and the couplets on both sides are still set off firecrackers in the alley. The laughter temporarily dispels the dark clouds in the hearts of Nie R-zhen and Jiang Xianyun.

After stepping into the gate of the provincial party committee, there were many people waiting to see Zhang Guotao. It was obvious that many of the people Nie R-zhen knew were greeting him along the way. When he met Zhang Guotao, the latter was talking with a young man.

Seeing the two of them coming in, Zhang Guotao stood up and said, "Comrade Rongzhen, let me introduce you to you. This is Comrade Wang Shouhua from Shanghai. Comrade Shouhua, Comrade Nie Rzhen, our local Military Commission Secretary, also returned from the Soviet Union. He also taught in Huangpu. By the way, you can talk to him about what you want to do. He has rich combat experience. You can talk to him separately later."

Wang Shouhua was very young and had a bookish face. He enthusiastically stretched out his hand to hold Nie Rongzhen's hand: "That's great. Comrade Enlai is also in Shanghai, and I have seen him several times."

"Hello. Hello," Nie R-zhen felt a little dissatisfied when he saw that Zhang Guotao did not introduce Jiang Xianyun, so he shook hands and said to Wang Shouhua: "This is Comrade Jiang Xianyun. He graduated from Huangpu first class and participated in the Eastern Expedition and Pacifying Rebellion."

Wang Shouhua became even more enthusiastic and held Jiang Xianyun's hands tightly. However, Nie R-zhen noticed that Zhang Guotao seemed to have not seen Jiang Xianyun at all, did not say hello to Jiang Xianyun, nor shook hands, and sat down straight down.

"He is the high-level football player of Principal Jiang." Zhang Guotao said something.

Jiang Xianyun didn't say anything. When he first came back, he was severely criticized by Zhang Guotao, believing that he had lost his dignity in front of Chiang Kai-shek and did not fight resolutely, it was right-leaning and surrender; a big hat made Jiang Xianyun almost breathless.

"Secretary Zhang, Comrade Shouhua is here, Comrade Xianyun made a memorandum on the future development of the situation. I think it is very valuable." Nie Rzhen said and handed the memorandum to Zhang Guotao.

Zhang Guotao took the memorandum in confusion and looked at Jiang Xianyun distrustfully. The latter sat aside with concern and stared at him.

Zhang Guotao opened the memorandum and gradually showed a hint of mockery: "What's so surprising about this judgment? It's only a matter of time before Chiang Kai-shek broke up with us. His purpose of provoking the dispute over the capital was to prepare for public opinion to betray the revolution."

"Secretary Zhang, Comrade Xianyun's analysis is more comprehensive, and the response strategies proposed are very creative. I think we should report to the central government." Nie rzhen said seriously.

Only then did Zhang Guotao notice that Jiang Xianyun's memorandum not only analyzed Chiang Kai-shek's dynamics but also analyzed the changes in the political situation in Wuhan after Chiang Kai-shek's betrayal, pointing out that Wuhan may also follow Chiang Kai-shek's purge of the party and the Communist Party. This analysis surprised him very much, and the response measures proposed were even more unique, which was completely different from the understanding of the Communist International.

"Bang!" Zhang Guotao stood up and slapped his palm on the table: "Strange words. Pessimistic escape. The experience of international communist movement shows that only by seizing cities can we win the revolution. You have to go to the countryside. This is escape. Jiang Xianyun, according to your proposal. Our party should withdraw from cities such as Shanghai, Wuhan, and Guangzhou, and the trade union will be disbanded? The picket team will be disbanded? This is right-leaning! It is surrender! Jiang Xianyun, I think you are a genuine surrender, a traitor!"

Jiang Xianyun was a little confused. He had never expected that his painstaking efforts would lead to such a result. In extreme shock, he forgot to argue.

"Secretary Zhang, I don't think this is surrender or escape. However, if Comrade Xianyun's previous analysis is true, then I think the subsequent strategy is appropriate. Our party's strength..."

"Comrade Rong Zhen," Nie R-zhen was interrupted by Zhang Guotao before he finished speaking: "It is very dangerous for you to continue like this. The revolutionary situation is getting better and better day by day. We are in the midst of a revolution, but you are singing a rebellion. You are talking about the division between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, talking about purges the party, and not wanting to attack the warlords, imperialism, and bourgeoisie, but talking about retreating. They were completely scared by Chiang Kai-shek! Comrade Rong Zhen, I want to remind you to stand firm in your position!"

Zhang Guotao was harsh and Wang Shouhua also disagreed with Jiang Xianyun's point of view. Before he came to Shanghai, he was preparing for the second uprising. The last uprising launched by Xia Chao was soon failed. One of the most important lessons was that the lack of military experience was the lack of military experience. The workers who participated in the uprising had not been trained, and the commanders did not know how to fight. In addition to discussing and cooperating with the National Government, he also wanted to invite some comrades in the party who knew military to go to Shanghai to train workers.

"Comrade Nie rzhen, I also think this view is too pessimistic," Wang Shouhua closed the memorandum and looked up at Nie rzhen and said: "We have 300,000 trade union members and 50,000 workers' picket teams in Shanghai. We have determined to hold a strike and an uprising when the Northern Expedition Army approaches Shanghai to capture Shanghai. Establish a people's government!"

Wang Shouhua paused and asked, "I don't understand why you suggested that the central government implement retreat, and retreat to Hunan?"

"Comrade Shouhua, in comparison, our party's local power mainly concentrates the trade union and peasant association. Chiang Kai-shek controls the army. Even if you have a worker picket team in Shanghai, can they fight against the army?" Nie R-zhen asked. He felt deeply regretful now that there was no army. The huge power seemed to be so illusory.

"Secretary Nie is right. Our party used to be too contempt for military work," Jiang Xianyun felt a little distressed. On the one hand, he did not understand why his sincerity was regarded as the infidelity of the party's cause. On the other hand, he regretted giving up the two regiments. If these two regiments were probably much stronger now, and with other forces, they could completely confront Chiang Kai-shek: "The worker-peasant movement developed very rapidly, but these forces were not military forces, but... soft forces, this is..., and even the Soviet Revolution also developed its strength in the army. With strong military support, the revolution was successful."

Jiang Xianyun couldn't help but quote the soft power that Zhuang Jihua had mentioned. He wanted to criticize the central government's original decision, but he swallowed it again when he was at his mouth. He was under tremendous pressure, and it was hard to say more words now.

"Nonsense!" Although Zhang Guotao was young, his qualifications were very old in the party. When Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao established the ** group, he was the third member they developed. He led the delegation to the Soviet Union to attend the Communist International Conference several times. The long-term results at the top of the board made him confident and arrogant, and no one could tolerate objections: "Our alliance with the Kuomintang was established by the Communist International. If we do not control military power, it is also established by the Communist International. Besides, why does the central government not pay attention to military affairs? If you don't pay attention to military affairs, how did you go to Huangpu, and how did Ye Ting's Iron Army come from?"

"But in comparison, our party's strength in the army is weak and cannot fight against Chiang Kai-shek at all." Jiang Xianyun defended.

"Where is your party spirit? How can you only look at the simple military force?" Zhang Guotao asked sharply: "As long as the workers and peasants' movement develops, solves the land problem, and organizes workers and peasants, this is the foundation of our party. Why did Sun Yat-sen's decades of revolution fail? This is the lesson."

"But now the military situation determines everything." Jiang Xianyun did not give up and still insisted on his claim: "We don't have so much time!"

Jiang Xianyun's anxiety did not resonate with Zhang Guotao and Wang Shouhua, but instead attracted greater criticism from Zhang Guotao: "Jiang Xianyun, your attitude is very dangerous. You have not fulfilled your duties as a member of the Communist Party of China. Now you are on the road of right-leaning surrender, openly opposing the Central Committee and the Communist International. I think you will be a counter-revolutionary in the future. Comrade Nie Rzhen, I suggest that your Military Commission discuss this issue and put forward a handling opinion. My opinion is to be a member of the Party, and he is no longer worthy of being a member of the Communist Party."

Zhang Guotao's words not only shocked Jiang Xianyun, but also Nie R-zhen and Wang Shouhua. They did not expect Zhang Guotao's reaction to be so fierce. Wang Shouhua hurriedly advised: "Secretary Zhang, Comrade Xianyun is also kind-hearted. Besides, he worked in Chiang Kai-shek headquarters for a long time and knew the situation there. Even if the response measures he proposed were inappropriate, they did not reach the level of right-leaning or counter-revolutionary. They just had different opinions."

"This seems inappropriate. Secretary Zhang, in my opinion, Comrade Xianyun's views show his loyalty to the party." Nie R-zhen also disagreed, but his tone was gentle: "Now the differences in Nanchang, Wuhan are becoming increasingly serious. You just said that it is inevitable that Chiang Kai-shek part ways with us. Since that is the case, it is necessary for us to make some preparations in advance."

"This is the true exposure of his ideological roots. Even if there are differences in Nanchang and Wuhan, and even if Chiang Kai-shek wants to part ways with us, things are not so bad. What's more, before the struggle begins, he wants to escape. This is not right-leaning, not surrender, what's that?" Zhang Guotao questioned Nie R-zhen with a stern expression.

"If we just let go, how will the workers and peasants see our party? What impact will this have on the image of the party and the prestige of the party? If we are afraid of this sacrifice, what are the revolutions? What are you talking about for the people? "Nie R-zhen was about to speak, but Zhang Guotao was asking questions in a series of questions, and every sentence could not be refuted, every sentence would be heartbroken.

"Secretary Zhang, the first Eastern Expedition was in the bloody battle of Jinhu. Comrade Xianyun always fought on the front line and could not fall from the front line; on the second Eastern Expedition, he attacked Huizhou forcing Comrade Xianyun was a fourth suicide squad, and was injured in two places. He still led the way. He was born and died several times, and he stained the battlefield several times. He never feared death and never wavered. A little further away, Shuikoushan strike and Anyuan strike, his performance has always been obvious to all. I think his opinion is right and right

Surrender has nothing to do with it. His purpose is to remind the Central Committee and make preparations." Nie R-zhen still defended Jiang Xianyun. He was not as qualified as Zhang Guotao in the party, and he had never held a position in the Central Committee. However, he also studied in France and the Soviet Union, and worked in the Communist International. He was considered a person who had registered for the Communist International. Therefore, he was not as easy to be suppressed by Zhang Guotao's momentum like others. Climb-Piao Astronomy-Text First Posting Station, you can download it by registering a member.
Chapter completed!