You are so smart!" Wu Chaoshu exclaimed: "We always want to do this and that, but we just go straight to their lives, which is cruel enough."

Li Yanguo nodded in agreement: "This is the basis for their broad appeal. If they shake their foundation, it will be difficult to seduce people anymore."

Only then did Jiyuan fully understand that this kind of high fighting has surpassed his political ability, so he can only be a political person.

"We must cooperate this time," Wu Chaoshu said to Jiyuan in silence, "You must remember that you cannot stick to the opposition to the Northern Expedition as usual. It is a counter-revolutionary. The purpose of the Soviet Union to aid us is for their own interests, so once their goals are achieved, they will also betray us."

Then he said to Li Yanguo: "Yanguo, you should also write more articles on this."

At this time, Wu Chaoshu dispatched all kinds of forces in his hands like the commander in command of the war.

"To mobilize all our newspapers and magazines, remember that the center should be concentrated on the Northern Expedition, and that is, on the counter-revolution; to praise Chiang Kai-shek, the higher the praise, the better." Finally, he sneered: "I see how ** will deal with this time."

"Okay, Mr. Yun, don't worry, I'm responsible for contacting colleagues in the newspaper industry.

Ji Yuanlu raised his sleeves and waved his fists and shouted.

Li Yanguo did not speak, but nodded seriously.

The next day, the "Republic of China Daily" published Chiang Kai-shek's speech, and then Ji Jiashan's speech. The Guangzhou media suddenly became lively. The "Group Daily" published "Real Revolution and Fake Revolution", "Revolutionary Youth" "The Real Reason for the Soviet Union to Oppose the Northern Expedition", "Why the Revolution is Not Revolutionary"... Even "Seventy-Two Fangs" has never cared much about politics and published an article "The Northern Expedition. The Touchstone of Revolution".

With the continuous publication of articles, a large number of young people often debate loudly in major schools, teahouses and parks in Guangzhou, where young people like to gather; slogans against ** appeared on the streets, and members of the Sun Yat-sen Society took the opportunity to organize gatherings in various schools, and even organized petitions to the Central Party Department and the National Government, opposing the joint efforts with Wu Peifu. They demanded that an extraordinary meeting be held to discuss the steps of the Northern Expedition.

In this tide of news, the "True of the Soviet Union and Russian Federation Wu" was published. In this article, the author Wuming first counted the Soviet Union's actions in China in recent years, pointing out that the Soviet Union had first wanted to join Wu. He proposed a deal to Wu Pei for aid. He was rejected by Wu Peifu before he went south to cooperate with the Kuomintang. Then he pointed out that the Soviet Union had two purposes: one was to suppress the Kuomintang, support Wu Peifu and Wu Peifu, and make them confront the Kuomintang, so that the Soviet Union would control the Chinese regime more conveniently; the other was to exchange for foreign establishment. The Soviet Union had been fighting for foreign establishment because

Because Outer Mongolia is extremely important to its national security, sending troops from Outer Mongolia can easily cut off Soviet Russia's transportation to the Far East. Therefore, the Soviet Union is determined to win Outer Mongolia. Whether it is the Kuomintang in power or the rule of the country, the Soviet Union must separate Outer Mongolia from China. The author also refuted the so-called right to national self-determination. He pointed out that there is no real national self-determination under the bayonet of the Soviet army, and Outer Mongolia is part of the Republic of China. National self-determination should be the decision of the entire Chinese nation to decide whether Outer Mongolia can be absent, not just a small number of people in Outer Mongolia.

The author Wuming's writing style is sophisticated and his arguments are fully demonstrated. As soon as the article is published, the new youth and the guide immediately refuted, pointing out that the Soviet Union's assistance to the National Government was unconditional and uncost, and Wuming's attack on the Soviet Union was a three major policy to destroy the Prime Minister.

Chiang Kai-shek took the article and asked Feng Gui if he wrote it. Feng Gui shook his head. He thought for a long time but couldn't figure out who could write such an article in Guangzhou. In the end, he guessed that it was written by Zhuang Wenge. Chiang Kai-shek called Zhuang Jihua as Feng Gui's ground, and Zhuang Jihua denied it.

For the same question, Wu Chaoshu also asked Ji Yuan, editor-in-chief of the "Qunbao", who did not know that the article was given to him by anonymous delivery. It was sent to him by a child. The words were also crooked and could not be seen at all.

The author of this article, Wuming, has become a mystery in the press circle of the Republic of China, and Wuming has never published any articles since then.

Soon, the Soviet arms were reported in the "Republic of China Daily". Except for the 8,000 guns that started, the other fees were paid by the National Government. This time, what the "New Youth" and "Guide" said was unconditional and cost-free.

The newspapers controlled by the Qing Army Association also began to fight back. Jiang Xianyun published a signed article pointing out that the revolution has developed since the Prime Minister determined the three major policies of alliance with Russia and the Communist Party to help farmers and workers. The military expenditure and weapons opened by the Whampoa Military Academy were all unconditional aid from the Soviet Union. The establishment of the Party Army was also provided by the Soviet Union. Without Huangpu, there would be no victory in the Eastern Expedition, and without Huangpu, there would be no victory in suppressing the rebellion. The provincial and Hong Kong strike and the Five Victory were the result of cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. The Northern Expedition was advocated by our party. The temporary alliance with the warlords was only a strategic issue. The Prime Minister had also joined forces with Duan Rui, the Fengtian clan, and the Fengtian clan, and Duan Rui, and it cannot be said that the Prime Minister was also a counter-revolutionary.

Jiang Xianyun's article finally blocked the attack of Sun Xuehui, but overall, the ** is still in a passive position. In this case, Chen Yannian convened a meeting to discuss countermeasures. At this meeting, Deng Zhongxia and Peng Pai believed that this was Chiang Kai-shek's conspiracy. The ** who served as secretary in the Propaganda Department suggested that the Propaganda Department organize the "Republic of China Daily" and "Political Weekly" fight back, but there is an important issue that must be clarified, namely the attitude of the Northern Expedition.

Zhou En said: "The eradication of warlords is our party's always advocate. The failure to pass the Northern Expedition bill this time is because the time is not ripe and the conditions are not met. Moreover, after passing the Northern Expedition bill, Wu Peifu will be alert, and his main force will not go north, which is not conducive to the overall situation of the Northern Expedition."

"Yeah, right. Eliminating warlords is the proposition of our party. The conditions for the Northern Expedition are not mature. In addition, we must firmly grasp the banner of the three major policies to safeguard the Prime Minister." Although Chen Yannian decided so, he was blaming Ji Jiashan in his heart. When the party discussed the Northern Expedition, most comrades advocated supporting this proposal, but Ji Jiashan firmly opposed it and took instructions from the Communist International, requiring them to reject the Northern Expedition proposal, so that the comrades in the party had to surrender, which led to the current passive situation.

"Comrade Enlai, do you think this matter has anything to do with Chiang Kai-shek?" ** asked in a deep breath of cigarettes. His smoking situation was very special. Others clamped cigarettes with their index fingers and middle fingers, while he clamped cigarettes with their middle fingers and ring fingers. When smoking, he covered his entire palm on his mouth.

"There must be." Zhou Enlai said affirmatively.

"Why does he want this

”** asked again.

"I guess he is dissatisfied with the rejection of the Northern Expedition proposal." Zhou Enlai said after thinking about it: "Principal Jiang is a very stubborn person. He will never be able to do anything he believes. I think his move may have two purposes. First, force us to make concessions; secondly, take this opportunity to attack our party's prestige and watch for the Kuomintang."

"Well, is it possible for him to turn right?" Yang An asked worriedly.

"It seems that there is not yet. The victory of the two Eastern Expeditions gave him high confidence, and he has always regarded himself as a prime minister. Politically, he can be regarded as a centrist." However, Zhou Enlai remembered that Chiang Kai-shek asked him for a list and added: "However, Zhang Jingjiang had a great influence on him. Although Zhang Jingjiang did not participate in the Xishan Conference, he was their sympathizer. We should be more careful about Chiang Kai-shek."

"So he wants to be the Kemal of China!" Deng Zhongxia's emotions rose, and he stood up and shouted: "Down with him!"

Defeat Chiang Kai-shek. This is a very serious problem. The Kuomintang regime is currently cooperating with Wang and Jiang. Wang Jingwei is responsible for politics and Chiang Kai-shek is responsible for military affairs. Let’s not talk about whether Wang Jingwei agrees, will the Communist International agree? Whether Chen Duxiu agrees is all a question.

After thinking about it, Chen Yannian said: "Chiang Kai-shek can still fight for the centrists. The central government's policy towards the centrists is to try its best. Let's take a look. If he really wants to do a counter-revolutionary, it will not be too late to take it away at that time."

The news war in Guangzhou caught Wang Jingwei, who had just ended successfully, the first party congress as chairman, caught him off guard. He quickly determined that it was Chiang Kai-shek who was pushing him later, but he also believed that this was just venting the dissatisfaction that the Northern Expedition proposal was not passed.

The Kuomintang had the upper hand in the debate. Although it made him secretly happy, he was also a little angry that Chiang Kai-shek acted without permission without prior ventilation.

"This Chiang Kai-shek is unruly and really doesn't make people relax." Chen Bijun saw Wang Jingwei shook his head while reading the newspaper, and said a little dissatisfied.

"If you seize this opportunity well, it will expand the influence of our party; there are also bad aspects, which will be unfavorable to the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party." Wang Jingwei made a solid evaluation.

Chen Bijun snorted softly at her nostrils. She flipped through the newspaper and suddenly looked up and asked in confusion: "Fourth Brother, can you control Chiang Kai-shek?"

Wang Jingwei was slightly stunned and looked up at Chen Bijun. Chen Bijun explained: "What is Chiang Kai-shek's purpose of doing this? Just to vent his dissatisfaction? And have no other political ambitions?"

Chen Bijun's reminder made Wang Jingwei rethink. After a while, he said: "It is possible to say that other ambitions are possible, but the ** side must fight back, and the Soviet side will also secretly stop it. Therefore, Chiang Kai-shek will only improve his reputation, and nothing else is possible. However, Chiang Kai-shek's biggest weakness is that his qualifications are too shallow, and he has only entered the Central Standing Committee this conference, so there will be no problems for the time being."

"It seems that Chiang Kai-shek is still ambitious. He also knows that he has insufficient reputation and qualifications, so he desperately advocates the Northern Expedition." Chen Bijun closed the newspaper and said in a concluding tone.

"I think Wang Dongcheng should be promoted as soon as possible. If Chiang Kai-shek is really disobedient, he will be replaced by Wang Dongcheng." Chen Bijun then added: "Don't forget the Prime Minister's lesson."

Wang Jingwei said: "It has not reached that level yet. This time, except for the Northern Expedition proposal, Jieshi is still very cooperative."

**The action was quick. Ji Jiashan personally found Wang Jingwei and expressed concern about the current arguments of Guangzhou news media, believing that this would seriously damage the relationship between the Soviet Union and the Kuomintang. He proposed that in order to promote Sino-Soviet friendship and strengthen the ties between the two parties, the National Government could assign some young people to study at Sun Yat-sen University in Moscow, and all the costs would be borne by the Soviet Union. Wang Jingwei agreed with Ji Jiashan's view and welcomed Ji Jiashan's suggestions. Wang Jingwei then convened the Propaganda Department and its newspaper editors under his control, asking them to publicize more cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, and publicize more of the three major policies of the Prime Minister to join forces with Russia and support the farmers and workers, and counterattack the attacks on the Soviet Union.

The person who tied the bell must be untied. Wang Jingwei went to discuss with Chiang Kai-shek again. Chiang Kai-shek complained and finally agreed to persuade Sun Yat-sen to stop the battle. In exchange, Wang Jingwei agreed to speed up the formulation of laws and prepare for the Northern Expedition financially and militaryally.

"New Youth" and "Guide" also published articles to refute the argument that disapproving the Northern Expedition proposal was a false revolution. Taking Sun Yat-sen's Northern Expedition in 1924 as an example, the secret expedition is believed that the most important thing at present is to implement the Prime Minister's three major policies, consolidate the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, and prepare for the Northern Expedition.

"Political Weekly" announced the flag that the current unhealthy factors in Guangzhou's political atmosphere are increasing. The Second National Congress dealt with the Xishan Conference faction in the open, and the Xishan Conference faction in the dark is still active. It is ridiculous to judge whether the revolution is acknowledged by whether the Northern Expedition is acknowledged. The Northern Expedition is not only a military action, but more importantly, it is a promotion of political and economic policies, especially the policies on rural land issues, which clearly state that the Northern Expedition is opposed before the corresponding policies are formulated.

Jiang Xianyun led the comrades of the Youth Army Association to go deep into major colleges and universities to hold public debates with the Sun Xuehui Association. Jiang Xianyun, Yang Qigang, Yu Sadu and other backbone of the Youth Army Association took action one after another. Kang Ze, who was in the third phase of Huangpu, stood out in this face-to-face confrontation. This broad-faced and slightly ugly man defeated Yu Sadu and Yang Qigang, but only suffered a small defeat in the confrontation with Jiang Xianyun, one of the two heroes of Huangpu.

After Chiang Kai-shek reached an understanding with Wang Jingwei, he told Zeng Kuang to stop and Zeng Kuang to understand. Sun Xuehui stopped immediately, leaving only newspapers and magazines under the influence of Wu Chaoshu, such as the "Cluster Newspaper" and "Times", still talking about the purpose of the Soviet Union. So they attracted the firepower of "New Youth" and "Guide", and after they discovered that Chiang Kai-shek had ceased fire, Ji Yuan couldn't help but scold Wang Boling for notifying him.
Chapter completed!