After receiving the notice that Wallace was about to come to Chongqing, Chiang Kai-shek summoned his aides to discuss it. The common opinion was that Wallace might be here to mediate Sino-Soviet relations. The Xinjiang rebellion is definitely one of the important issues. In the struggle against the Soviet Union, China must win the support of the United States, which is crucial.

"General Weidemai told me that the Battle of Ping-Tianjin is progressing smoothly and your country will achieve another major victory." After sitting down, Wallace first congratulated Chiang Kai-shek. After arriving in Chongqing, he first met Weidemai and Gauss. Weidemai told him that China's current military situation is very good, and the most important Battle of Ping-Tianjin is likely to end with a big victory in the Chinese team; Gauss clearly told him that Chiang Kai-shek's support in the southwest region is still very high, and China is very angry about the Soviet Union's intervention in the Xinjiang rebellion. At present, the mainstream opinion of the Chinese government is to suppress the rebellion by force. At the same time, Gauss also reminded Wallace that the embassy judged that the purpose of the Soviet Union was likely to be to intervene in western China with the Xinjiang issue.

Wallace knew that in Moscow, Stalin insisted on the requirements put forward at the Tehran Conference. In Stalin's conversation, Wallace clearly felt that Stalin looked down on China at all, believed that China was not worthy of becoming one of the four major powers, and believed that the Northeast was not China's traditional territory. The Soviet Union assumed the main combat tasks in the war against Japan, and it should naturally be reflected in the distribution of interests after the war. The Soviet Union agreed that the sovereignty of the Northeast belonged to China, but the rights lost by the Soviet Union in the Russo-Japanese War should be taken back, and the Soviet Union's demands were not excessive.

In addition, Stalin clearly told him about the rebellion in Xinjiang that the Soviet Union did not intervene, and a rebel army in the Soviet army fled into China. The Soviet government was pursuing these rebels. As long as the Chinese government agreed, the Soviet army could cross the border and pursue these rebels.

Wallace once asked Weidemai whether there were Soviet Russian soldiers involved in the Xinjiang rebels. Weidemai admitted that China's accusations made sense. Soviet Russian and Mongolian soldiers must have participated in the Xinjiang rebellion, otherwise the Soviet Russian and Mongolian government would not have issued such a statement.

Roosevelt clearly informed him of his concerns in the emergency telegram. He was mainly worried about two things: the Soviet Union made peace with Germany, and China made peace with Japan. Roosevelt told him in the telegram that this possibility exists. According to the intelligence agency's intelligence, the Soviet Union and the German representatives had secret contacts in Switzerland, and Chiang Kai-shek's representatives also had secret contacts with Japan in Hong Kong. They must prevent peace and encourage them to continue.

In advance of the Battle of Pingjin, Chiang Kai-shek was very happy that the development of the Battle of Pingjin was beyond imagination. He surrounded Tianjin, Langfang, Xinjianwei, and Zhuolu. The entire Japanese defense line was shattered, and the initiative on the battlefield was firmly grasped by the Chinese team.

However, Chiang Kai-shek was even happier that Zhuang Jihua sent a clear signal to support the central government in suppressing rebellion in Xinjiang. Deng Yanda had previously called for a peaceful resolution of the rebellion in Xinjiang. The two people's proposals were completely different. However, this also exposed Zhuang Jihua's political power. With Zhuang Jihua's statement, the political forces in Sichuan, which had not been expressed, also expressed their opinions. Deng Xihou, Deng Hanxiang and others sent a telegram to the Central Committee, advocating force to quell the rebellion by force.

The democratic parties that were originally affected by the ** have also temporarily stopped. The heavy article of Yuzhou Evening News shocked the entire Kuomintang-controlled area, and even the Xinhua Daily lost its voice for a while.

"His Excellency Vice President," Chiang Kai-shek smiled. Wallace felt that this time the smile came from the heart: "** has surrounded Langfang, Tianjin, and two Japanese divisions near Zhangjiakou, and all annihilation is just around the corner."

Chiang Kai-shek's confidence came from the heart. With the victory of the war, the National Government and himself had a high reputation. Although the democratic parties' calls for political reforms have become increasingly high, they have recently demanded that the political reforms of the sixteen counties in Chongqing be accelerated, accusing the government of shirking responsibility and delaying, but with the occurrence of Xinjiang rebellion, the calls for political reforms have temporarily given way to Xinjiang to quell the rebellion.

Wallace smiled with satisfaction, and soon brought the topic to the issue he was concerned about: "His Excellency Chairman, President Roosevelt and I are very concerned about what has happened in Xinjiang recently. We hope this will not affect the Battle of Pingjin and the war to completely defeat Japan."

Chiang Kai-shek's face did not change, but his heart skipped a beat. He noticed keenly that Wallace's words when talking about Xinjiang were not the rebellion publicly announced by the Chinese government.

"The National Government will soon quell the rebellion in Xinjiang and will not affect our war against Japan." Chiang Kai-shek replied: "The rebellion in Xinjiang is supported by someone behind the scenes. I hope that President Roosevelt and the Vice President can exert their influence and help us quickly quell the rebellion."

Wang Chonghui had already frowned at this time, and he also heard that Wallace did not seem to want the Chinese government to implement force to quell the rebellion on the Xinjiang issue.

Wallace always kept smiling, but did not follow Chiang Kai-shek's words: "The current situation of the war is very good. Germany has suffered repeated defeats in Europe. In the Pacific, General MacArthur and General Nimitz are counterattacking the Japanese army. General Marshall believes that we can defeat Japan in the next one to two years."

"Yes, we think so too." Chiang Kai-shek nodded. China has also made judgments on the prospects of the war and concluded that the conclusions have been almost the same. The main reason is that the progress of the navy is still unrecognizable. The strength of the joint fleet is still strong. The navy will not make major progress and will not eliminate the joint fleet. Japan will not surrender.

"So, the President and I are very worried that the Xinjiang issue will distract your country from fighting against Japan." Wallace carefully used the words and introduced them carefully to his own goals.

Chiang Kai-shek finally frowned slightly: "No, Vice President, as the front line is shortened, we can mobilize some troops and supplies to Xinjiang to suppress the rebellion. The rebels in Xinjiang are not Japanese. Once the army arrives, the rebellion will be quelled."

"Xinjiang is vast. If the rebels take roaming action, things will probably not go so smoothly." Wallace shook his head and said. In fact, Wallace told Chiang Kai-shek that if the Soviet Union intervened, the Xinjiang rebellion would not be so easy to pacify.

Chiang Kai-shek shook his head indifferently: "Although Xinjiang is large, the rebels are mainly concentrated in the northern border. General Liu Wenhui has stabilized the southern border, and General Hu Zongnan's troops are entering the northern border."

Chiang Kai-shek repeatedly emphasized that although the rebellion in Xinjiang is very strong, its actual combat effectiveness is not strong. In fact, the Dilan Railway was damaged by rebel guerrillas, and the railway could no longer send troops to Dihua. The troops could only transport Dihua by car, which seriously affected the speed of troops' aggregation.

Seeing that Chiang Kai-shek's attitude was firm, Wallace sighed softly. He did not expect a meeting to convince Chiang Kai-shek to adopt a peaceful solution to the Xinjiang issue. So he turned the topic apart and asked about China's domestic political reforms. Regarding this issue, Chiang Kai-shek introduced him in detail the current situation in the country. After sending Wallace away, Chiang Kai-shek looked serious. He did not ask Wang Chong Huibais to leave the villa with them, but immediately held a small meeting.

"Wallace may be influenced by Stalin," Wang Chonghui analyzed carefully: "He does not advocate that we suppress the rebellion by force, but also hopes that we will negotiate with the rebels, and the negotiations will definitely be controlled by the Soviet Union, which provides the Soviet Union with an opportunity."

"Yes, I agree with Minister Wang's opinion," Belarus immediately expressed his support. He also noticed the difference in Wallace's words: "Wallace is a famous pro-Soviet faction in the US government and advocates cooperation with the Soviet Union. I guess he hopes that we will give in to the Soviet Union in exchange for Soviet Union cooperation on the battlefield."

Chiang Kai-shek's face suddenly became gloomy. He had high hopes for Wallace, but he did not expect that Wallace's purpose was to sacrifice Chinese interests in exchange for Soviet support. He immediately remembered what Zhuang Jihua said, and did not expect that such a great victory on the battlefield would still be betrayed by the United States. Anger suddenly surged in his heart.

"Darling," Soong Mei-ling noticed Chiang Kai-shek's mood change and advised: "I don't think the matter is that serious. Since Roosevelt did not agree to Stalin's request in Tehran, he would not agree now. I think Wallace is mainly his personal opinion. However, I tend to think that Roosevelt hopes to calm the dispute between China and the Soviet Union. As for the result, he still needs to see, so what can ultimately determine his attitude is whether our military operations can go smoothly."

"Madam is right," Lin Wei nodded, "The key is still ourselves. If we can enter the Northeast first, Roosevelt would not be able to agree to Stalin's blackmail. To quell the rebellion in Xinjiang, we must first win the battle so that the Americans can understand that we have the ability to quell the rebellion and give them confidence."

Chiang Kai-shek did not speak. He stood up and walked a few steps in the middle of the room with his hands behind his back, then asked Chen Cheng: "Ci Xiu and telegraphed Hu Zongnan that he would win a battle in the near future. Just win a battle during Wallace in Chongqing, and let him speak, can we quell the rebellion?"

Chen Cheng was a little panicked. Hu Zongnan's troops were still on the road. Dihua is now weak in strength and has insufficient defense. If you have enough offense, how can you fight? Rescue the Ailinbak airport, or send troops to Ashan to relieve Huiyuan's siege? There are fewer troops sent and cannot achieve the goal of rescuing. If there are too many troops sent, what should Dihua do? Lin Wei saw Chen Cheng's embarrassment. He immediately advised: "Chairman, the First Army is still on the road, and there are not many airlifts into Xinjiang. Hasting dispatch may backfire. It is better to do this. There are not many rebels in southern Xinjiang. He ordered Liu Wenhui to quickly quell the rebellion in Atush and Kashgar areas, and then the Propaganda Department will cooperate with the propaganda."

Chiang Kai-shek looked gloomy and he snorted coldly: "Wu Wen, how many days can Wallace stay in Chongqing? Ci Xiu told Hu Zongnan that he must win a victory while Wallace was in Chongqing!"

Chen Cheng's eyes turned, Hu Zongnan was short of troops, so he was good at attacking. He deliberately hesitated and said: "At present, the 7th Division and the 128th Division are in the Dihua area. They can send troops to rescue the Ailinbak Airport and at the same time attack the rebel arrogance. Dihua can be defended by the vanguard of the Ninth Division."

Lin Wei felt a thrill in his heart. The 2nd Army airlifted Dihua. The 2nd Army had three divisions, the 9th Division, the 76th Division, and the newly formed 33rd Division. Only more than a thousand people from the 9th Division were airlied to Dihua, and the troops were obviously insufficient. The 7th Division and the 128th Division were the third regiment system. There were two regiments surrounded by Ailinbake Airport, so it was said that there were two divisions, but in fact there were only four regiments. There were tens of thousands of rebels in the Yili area. Four regiments went to reinforce. Not to mention that they had to cross the vast Gobi Desert, even if they were to kill Yili, they would be besieged by the superior rebels.
Chapter completed!